African-American English: Difference between revisions

African American Vernacular English (AAVE), also called African American English, Black English, Black Vernacular, Black English Vernacular (BEV), Black Vernacular English (BVE), or (sometimes pejoratively) "Jive", is a variety (dialect, ethnolect and sociolect) of the American English language. It is also known colloquially as Ebonics. Its pronunciation in some respects is common to Southern American English, which is spoken by many African Americans in the United States and even by many non-African Americans. AAVE shares many characteristics with various Creole English dialects spoken by black people in much of the world. AAVE also has pronunciation, grammatical structures, and vocabulary in common with various West African languages. Speakers of AAVE are often bidialectal and, like any form of language, age, status, topic, and setting influence the use of AAVE. For example, research has found that AAVE is used more often when discussing abstract concepts, such as feelings, and when speaking to members of one's own peer group.

Overview

About "80 to 90 percent of American blacks” speak AAVE “at least some of the time". Additionally, AAVE shares many characteristics with various Creole English dialects spoken by black people in much of the world. AAVE also has pronunciation, grammatical structures, and vocabulary in common with various West African languages (Trudgill).

The pronunciation of AAVE is based in large part on Southern American English, an influence that no doubt was reciprocal in many ways. The traits of AAVE that separate it from Standard American English (SAE) include:

• changes in pronunciation along definable patterns, many of which are found in creoles and dialects of other populations of West African descent (but which also emerge in English dialects uninfluenced by West African languages, such as Newfoundland English);
• distinctive vocabulary; and
• differences in the use of tenses.

AAVE also has contributed to Standard American English words of African origin ("gumbo", "goober", "yam", "banjo") and slang expressions ("cool," "hip," "hep cat" "bling"). In areas of close socialization between speakers of AAVE and other groups of people, a greater number of non-black speakers exist.

Grammatical features

Phonology

The uniformity of AAVE pronunciation, despite vast geographic area, may be due in part to relatively recent migrations of African Americans out of the south as well as to long-term racial segregation. Phonological features that set AAVE apart from forms of "Standard English" (such as General American) include:

• Word final devoicing. Thus, pig sounds like pick and cub like cup (Wardhaugh 2002).
• Reduction of certain diphthong forms to monophthongs, in particular, /aɪ/ is monophthongized to [aː] (this is also a feature of many Southern American English dialects).
• AAVE speakers may lack dental fricatives (the th in thin and then). and SE words with such sounds change depending on the sound's position in a word (Wardhaugh 2002).
  • Word-initially, they become alveolar stops ([t] and [d])
    • Examples: SE then ([ðɛn]) is pronounced [dɛn]; thin ([θɪn]) is pronounced [dɪn],
  • After vowels, they become labiodental fricatives ([f] and [v]).
    • Examples: SE smooth ([smuːð]) is pronounced [smuːv]; tooth ([tuːθ]) is pronounced [tuːf]. This contrasts with West African-based English creoles and pidgins where dental fricatives become alveolar stops regardless of placement,
• AAVE is non-rhotic, so the rhotic consonant /r/ is usually dropped if not followed by a vowel. Intervocalic /r/ may also be dropped, e.g. SE story ([stɔri]) can be pronounced [stɔ.i].
• Realization of final ng /ŋ/, the velar nasal, as the alveolar nasal [n] in function morphemes and content morphemes with two syllables like -ing, e.g. "tripping" is pronounced as "trippin." This change does not occur in one-syllable content morphemes such as sing, which is [sɪŋ] and not sin [sɪn]. However, singing is [sɪŋɪn]. Other examples include wedding → [wɛɾɪn], morning → [mɔɹnɪn], nothing → [ˈnʌfɪn]. Realization of /ŋ/ as [n] in these contexts is commonly found in many other English dialects.
• More generally, reduction of vocally homorganic final consonant clusters (that is, clusters of consonants that have the same place of articulation) that share the same laryngeal settings. E.g. test is pronounced [tɛs] since /t/ and /s/ are both voiceless; hand is pronounced [hæn], since /n/ and /d/ are both voiced; but pant is unchanged, as it contains both a voiced and a voiceless consonant in the cluster (Rickford, 1997). Note also that it is the plosive (/t/ and /d/) in these examples that is lost rather than the fricative or nasal. Speakers may carry this declustered pronunciation when pluralizing so that the plural of test is [tɛsəs] rather than [tɛsts].
• /l/ is often deleted after a vowel and, in combination with the above feature, can make bold, bowl, and bow homophones.
• Before nasal consonants (/m/, /n/, and /ŋ/), /ɛ/ and /ɪ/ are both pronounced as [ɪ], making pen and pin homophones.
• Before /l/, /ɪ/ and /iː/ are pronounced as /ɪ/, making feel and fill homophones.
• After a vowel, a nasal may be lost while nasalization of the vowel is retained. E.g, find may be pronounced [fã].
• Dropping of word initial /d/, /b/, and /g/ in tense-aspect markers, e.g., the pronunciation of don't like own.
• Lowering of /ɪ/ to /ɛ/ or /æ/ before /ŋ/ causing pronunciations such as [tɛŋ] or [tæŋ] for thing.
• Use of metathesised forms like "aks" for "ask" or "graps" for "grasp." Both these examples existed in Anglo-Saxon and more recent varieties of English, and may be survivals of non-standard forms.

Aspect marking

The most distinguishing feature of AAVE is the use of forms of be to mark aspect in verb phrases. The use or lack of a form of be can indicate whether the performance of the verb is of a habitual nature. In SAE, this can be expressed only using adverbs such as usually. It is disputed whether the use of the verb "to be" to indicate a habitual status or action in AAVE has its roots in various West African languages.

Example	Name	SE Meaning / Notes
He workin'.	Simple progressive	He is working [right now].
He be workin'.	Habitual/continuative aspect	He works frequently or habitually. Better illustrated with "He be workin' Tuesdays all month."
He be steady workin'.	Intensified continuative	He is always working.
He been workin'.	Perfect progressive	He has been working.
He been had that job.	Remote phase (see below)	He has had that job for a long time and still has it.
He done worked.	Emphasized perfective	He has worked. Syntactically, "He worked" is valid, but "done" is used to emphasize the completed nature of the action.
He finna go to work.	Immediate future	He's about to go to work. Finna is a contraction of "fixing to"; though is also believed to show residual influence of late 16th century archaism "would fain (to)", that persisted until later in some rural dialects spoken in the Carolinas (near the Gullah region). "Fittin' to" is commonly thought to be another form of the original "fixin' (fixing) to", and it is also heard as fitna and fixna.
I was walkin' home, and I had worked all day.	Preterite narration.	"Had" is used to begin a preterite narration. Usually it occurs in the first clause of the narration, and nowhere else.

Remote Phase Marker

The aspect marked by stressed 'been' has been given many names, including Perfect Phase, Remote Past, Remote Phase (Fickett 1970, Fasold and Wolfram 1970, Rickford 1999). This article uses the third. Been here is stressed; in order to distinguish it from unstressed been (used as in standard English), linguists often write it as BIN. Thus the distinction between She BIN running ("She has been running for a long time") and She been running ("She has been running").

With non-stative verbs, the role of been is simple: it places the action in the distant past, or represents total completion of the action. A Standard English equivalent is to add "a long time ago". For example, She been told me that translates as, "She told me that a long time ago".

However, when been is used with stative verbs or gerund forms, been shows that the action began in the distant past and that it is continuing now. Linguist John R. Rickford (1999) suggests that a better translation when used with stative verbs is "for a long time". For instance, in response to "I like your new dress", one might hear Oh, I been had this dress, meaning that the speaker has had the dress for a long time and that it isn't new.

To see the difference between the simple past and the gerund when used with been, consider the utterances:

I been bought her clothes means "I bought her clothes a long time ago".

I been buyin' her clothes means "I've been buying her clothes for a long time".

Negation

In addition, negatives are formed differently from standard American English:

• Use of ain't as a general negative indicator. It is used in place of, "am not", "isn't", and "aren't", "haven't", "hasn't" or even "didn't".
• Negation agreement, as in I didn't go nowhere, such that if the sentence is negative, all negatable forms are negated. This is usually stigmatized in Standard English, where a double negative is considered a positive (although this wasn't always so; see double negative).
• In a negative construction, an indefinite pronoun such as nobody or nothing can be inverted with the negative verb particle for emphasis (eg. Don't nobody know the answer, Ain't nothin' goin' on.)

Other grammatical characteristics

Some of these characteristics, notably double negatives and the use of been for "has been", are also characteristic of general colloquial American English.

Linguist William Labov carried out and published the first thorough grammatical study of African American Vernacular English in 1965.

• The copula BE is often dropped, as in Russian, Hungarian, Hebrew, Arabic and other languages. For example: You crazy! ("You're crazy") or She my sister ("She's my sister"). The phenomenon is also observed in questions: Who you? ("Who're you?") and Where you at? ("Where're you at?"). When BE cannot be contracted in SE, then it cannot be dropped in AAVE – *I don't know where he (*"I don't know where he's") – but other rules also apply: seven conditions must be met, and there are other complications.
• Present-tense verbs are uninflected for number/person: there is no -s ending in the present-tense third-person singular. Example: She write poetry ("She writes poetry"). Similarly, was is used for what in standard English are contexts for both was and were.
• The -s ending may or may not be used. The genitive relies on adjacency. This is similar to many creoles throughout the Caribbean. Many language forms throughout the world use an unmarked possessive; it may, here, result from a simplification of grammatical structures and tendency to eschew particle usage. Example: my momma sister ("my momma's sister")
• The word it or iss denotes the existence of something, equivalent to Standard English there in "there is", or "there are". This usage is also found in the English of the US South. Examples Iss a doughnut in the cabinet ("There's a doughnut in the cabinet") and It ain't no spoon ("There isn't a spoon").
• Altered syntax in questions: She actin' all hankty (snobbish). Who duh hell she think she be? ("She's acting like a snob. Who the hell does she think she is?"). Note also the use of "all" as an adverb of manner or degree, as well as the omission of the dummy verb "do" (does). How you tol' him I'm try'na see her? ("Why did you tell him I want to see her?"). Normal clause inversion of the past tense verb in forming questions is not practiced.
• Use of say to introduce quotations, actual or otherwise. For example, "I thought, say, 'Why don't he just rap wit' her?'" (I thought, 'Why doesn't he just speak with her?'") Say is also used to introduce sounds where a SAE speaker might use go: He say, boom! ("It went, boom!").

Lexical features

For the most part, AAVE uses the lexicon of SAE, particularly informal and southern dialects. There are some notable differences, however. It has been suggested that some of this vocabulary has its origin in West African languages, but etymology is often difficult to trace and without a trail of recorded usage the suggestions below cannot be considered proven.

• dig from Wolof dëgg or dëgga, meaning "to understand/appreciate"
• hip from Wolof hipi, meaning "to be aware of what is going on".
• jive from Zulu ijaiva, meaning "to dance".

AAVE also has a separate vocabulary of words that have no Standard English-language equivalent, or with strikingly different meanings from their common usage in SAE. For example, there are several words in AAVE referring to white people which are not part of mainstream SAE; these include gray, possibly from the color of Confederate uniforms; and paddy, an extension of the slang use for "Irish". "Ofay," which can be pejorative, is another general term for a white; it might derive from the Ibibio word afia, which means "light-colored," and may have referred to European traders; or from the Yoruba word ofe, spoken in hopes of disappearing from danger such as that posed by European traders; or via Pig Latin from "foe". Kitchen refers to the particularly curly or kinky hair at the nape of the neck, and siditty means snobbish or bourgeois.

Social context

The “Africanized form” of AAVE and its cultural history serve as a symbol of ethnic identity and pride. AAVE's resistance to assimilation into Standard American English or other more standard dialects is a consequence of cultural differences between blacks and whites (Romaine 109). Any language used by isolated groups of people is likely to split into various dialects. Thus, language becomes a means of self-differentiation that helps forge group identity, solidarity and pride. It is “intricately bound up with his or her sense of identity and group consciousness”.

AAVE has survived and thrived through the centuries also as a result of various degrees of isolation from Southern American English and Standard American English — through both “self-segregation from and marginalization by mainstream society” (Trudgill 108). Still, most speakers of AAVE are bidialectal, since they use Standard American English to varying degrees as well as AAVE. This method of linguistic adaptation in different environments is called code-switching. Each dialect, or code, is applied in different settings. Speakers of both dialects acknowledge when to use which dialect in what environment (Romaine 109). Generally speaking, the degree of exclusive use of AAVE decreases with the rise in socioeconomic status, although almost all speakers of AAVE at all “socioeconomic levels readily understand Standard American English” (Coulmas 41). Many blacks, regardless of socioeconomic status, educational background, or geographic region, use some form of AAVE to various degrees in informal and intra-ethnic communication (Romaine 111). The use of AAVE, as with the use of SAE, can also be a conscious choice. The level of usage of any dialect is subject to the speaker’s volition. In certain situations, speakers of AAVE may deem it more appropriate to use SAE, and in other instances (most likely among other African Americans) use AAVE.

The preponderance of code-switching indicates that AAVE and SAE are met with different reactions or discernments. AAVE is often perceived by members of mainstream American society as indicative of low intelligence or limited education. Furthermore, as with many other non-standard dialects and especially creoles, AAVE sometimes has been called "lazy" or "bad" English. However, among linguists there is no such controversy, since AAVE, like all dialects, shows consistent internal logic and structure.

Origins

It is unclear exactly how AAVE relates to other varieties of English. One argument, put forth by Kurath, Labov, and McDavid, is that AAVE is essentially identical to nonstandard varieties of Southern American English. A similar claim is that the speech of blacks in the American South has had a great deal of influence in the speech of non-blacks living there.

An argument put forth by Dinesh D'Souza in his book The End of Racism, is that AAVE is simply the result of low-intensity social rebellion by black slaves against the European culture of slave masters. Speaking a distorted or altered form of the "master's language" provided black slaves with some measure of pride through rebellious action. D'Souza argues that every small act of rebellion could become a badge of honor — the racist stereotype of the "bad nigger" itself came about due to the recognition that misbehaving slaves could gain among other black slaves, through rebellious acts. D'Souza argues that AAVE and other trends in black American culture were to some large degree driven by racism, and (controversially) that after the Civil Rights Movement the impetus for these trends was largely annulled.

Another argument is that AAVE has its deepest roots in the trans-Atlantic African slave trade. Unique patterns of language usage among African slaves arose from the need for African captives to communicate among themselves and with their captors. During the Middle Passage, these captives (many already multi-lingual speakers of dialects of Wolof, Twi, Hausa, Yoruba, Dogon, Akan, Kimbundu, Bambara and other languages) developed what are called pidgins, simplified mixtures of two or more languages. As pidgins form from close-contact between members of different language communities, the slaving trade would be exactly such a situation. Dillard (1972) quotes slave ship Captain William Smith:

As for the languages of Gambia, they are so many and so different, that the Natives, on either Side of the River, cannot understand each other.… [T]he safest Way is to trade with the different Nations, on either Side of the River, and having some of every Sort on board, there will be no more Likelihood of their succeeding in a Plot, than of finishing the Tower of Babel.

Some slave owners preferred slaves from a particular tribe. For consigned cargoes, language mixing aboard ship was sometimes minimal. There is evidence that many enslaved Africans continued to use fairly intact native languages until almost 1700, when Wolof became one of the bases of a sort of intermediary pidgin among Africans. It is Wolof that comes to the fore in tracing the African roots of AAVE. By 1715, this African pidgin had made its way into novels by Daniel Defoe, in particular, The Life of Colonel Jacque. Cotton Mather claimed to have been very familiar with his slaves' speech, knowing enough to affirm that one of his slaves was from the Coromantee tribe. Mather's imitative writing shows features present in many creole languages and even in modern day AAVE.

By the time of the American Revolution, slave creoles had not quite established themselves to the point of mutual intelligibility among varieties. Dillard (1972) quotes a recollection of "slave language" toward the latter part of the 18th century:

Kay, massa, you just leave me, me sit here, great fish jump up into da canoe, here he be, massa, fine fish, massa; me den very grad; den me sit very still, until another great fish jump into de canoe; but me fall asleep, massa, and no wake 'til you come…

It was not until the time of the Civil War that the language of the slaves became familiar to a large number of educated whites. The abolitionist papers before the war form a rich corpus of examples of plantation creole. In Army Life in a Black Regiment (1870), Thomas Wentworth Higginson detailed many features of his soldiers' language. In particular, this book contains the first reference to the distinction within AAVE "been" between stressed BÍN and unstressed bin.

After Emancipation, some freed slaves traveled to West Africa, taking their creole with them. In certain African tribal groups, such as those in west Cameroon, there are varieties of Black English that show strong resemblances to the creole dialects in the U.S. documented during this period. The languages have remained similar due to the homogeneity within tribal groups, and so can act as windows into a past state of Creole English.

AAVE in Education

AAVE has been the center of controversy on issues regarding the education of African American youths and the role it should play in public schools and education, as well as its its place in broader society. Educators have long held that attempts should be made to eliminate AAVE usage through the public education system. Criticisms from social commentators and educators range from asserting that AAVE is an intrinsically deficient form of speech to arguments that its use, by being considered unacceptable in most cultural contexts, is socially limiting. It is usually argued that incorporating AAVE in schools would only impede the academic progress of young African American children . The strongest criticisms of AAVE has come from other African Americans. Most notably, Bill Cosby, in his recent Pound Cake speech criticized members of the African American community for various social behaviors including exclusive use of AAVE.

Changes in formal attitudes regarding the acceptance of AAVE as a distinct dialect correlated with advancements in civil rights. One noteable shift in the recognition of AAVE came in the "Ann Arbor Decision" of 1979 (Martin Luther King Junior Elementary School Children et al., v. Ann Arbor School District). In it, a federal judge ruled that a school board, in teaching black children to read, must adjust to the children's dialect, not the children to the school.

The formal recognition of AAVE was revisited when a resolution from the Oakland, California school board on December 18, 1996, wanted "Ebonics" officially recognized as a language or dialect. At its last meeting, the outgoing Oakland school board unanimously passed the resolution before stepping down from their positions to the newly elected board consisting of members who held different political views. The new board modified the resolution and then effectively dropped it. Had the measure remained in force, it would have affected funding and education-related issues.

The Oakland resolution declared that AAVE was not English, and was not an Indo-European language at all, asserting that the speech of black children belonged to "West and Niger-Congo African Language Systems" (Coulmas 51). This claim was quickly ruled inconsistent with current linguistic theory, that AAVE is a dialect of English and thus of Indo-European origin. Furthermore, the differences between modern AAVE and Standard English are nowhere near as great as those between French and Haitian Creole, the latter being considered a separate language. The statement that "African Language Systems are genetically based" also contributed to widespread hostility (Coulmas 53). Supporters of the resolution later clarified that "genetically" was not a racial or biological term but a linguistic one (53).

Proponents of AAVE instruction in public education believe that their proposals have been distorted by political debate and misunderstood by the general public. The underlying belief is that black students would perform better in school and more easily learn standard American English if textbooks and teachers acknowledged that AAVE was not a substandard version of standard American English but a legitimate speech variety with its own grammatical rules and pronunciation norms.

For black students whose primary dialect was AAVE, the Oakland resolution mandated some instruction in that dialect, both for "maintaining the legitimacy and richness of such language... and to facilitate their acquisition and mastery of English language skills" (Coulmas 53). Teachers were encouraged to recognize that the "errors" in Standard American English that their students made were not the result of lack of intelligence or effort, and indeed were not errors at all but instead were features of a grammatically distinct form of English (53). Rather than teaching Standard English by proscribing non-standard usage, the idea was to teach Standard American English to Ebonics-speaking students by showing them how to translate expressions from AAVE to Standard American English (53).

Framers of the Oakland resolution recognized that, when teaching anyone a language or variety with which they are unfamiliar, it is important to differentiate between understanding and pronunciation (this consideration appeared in later discussion, not in the resolution itself). For instance, if a child reads "He passed by both of them" as [hiː pæs baː boʊf ə dɪm] (rather than [hiː pæst baɪ boʊθ əv ðɛm]), a teacher must determine whether the child is saying passed or pass, since they are identical in AAVE phonology. Appropriate remedial strategies here would be different from effective strategies for an SAE speaker who interprets "passed" from the word "pass" (Coulmas 54).

Pedagogical techniques similar to those used to teach English to speakers of foreign languages appear to hold promise for speakers of AAVE. Stewart introduced the use of "dialect readers"—sets of text nearer to the child's dialect than SAE text — to AAVE speakers (Trudgill 151). This helps the child focus on translating symbols on paper into words without worrying about learning a new language at the same time. Simpkins, Holt, and Simpkins developed a comprehensive set of dialect readers, called bridge readers, which included the same content in three different dialects: AAVE, a bridge version, which was closer to SAE without being prohibitively formal, and a Standard English version (152). The results were very promising, but in the end the program was not widely adopted for various political and social reasons related to the refusal of school systems to recognize AAVE as a dialect of English (152). Opinions on Ebonics still range from advocacy of official language status in the United States to denigration as "poor English" (152).

Teaching children whose primary dialect is AAVE poses problems beyond simply those commonly addressed by pedagogical techniques, and the Oakland approach has support among some educational theorists. However, such pedagogical approaches have given rise to educational and political disputes. Despite the clear linguistic evidence, the American public and policymakers remain divided over whether to even recognize AAVE as a legitimate dialect of English, perhaps due to unfounded feelings that AAVE is a degradation of English. Though she had no standing in the school district, California State San Bernardino sociology professor Mary Texeira suggested, in July 2005, that Ebonics be included in the San Bernardino City Unified School District. The recommendation was met with a backlash similar to that in Oakland fifteen years before.

The overwhelming controversy and debates concerning AAVE in public schools insinuate the deeper, more implicit deterministic attitudes towards the African-American community as a whole. Smitherman describes this as a reflection of the "power elite’s perceived insignificance and hence rejection of Afro-American language and culture". She also asserts that since African Americans, in order to succeed, are forced to conform to European American society this ultimately means the "eradication of black language…and the adoption of the linguistic norms of the white middle class." The necessity for a "bi-dialectialism" (AAVE and SAE) has "some blacks contend that being bi-dialectal not only causes a schism in the black personality, but it also like saying black talk is 'good enough' for blacks but not for whites"

See also

• Languages in the United States
• Gullah language

References

• Baratz, Joan C, and Shuy, Roger W. (eds) (1969). Teaching Black Children to Read. Center for Applied Linguistics. {{cite book}}: |author= has generic name (help); Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
• Dictionary of American Regional English. 5 vols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985–.
• Dillard, J. L. (1972). Black English: Its History and Usage in the United States. Random House. ISBN 0-394-71872-0.
• Green, Lisa J. (2002) African American English: A Linguistic Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-81449-9 (hard). ISBN 0-521-89138-8 (paper).
• McWhorter, John H (1998). Word on the Street: Debunking the Myth of a 'Pure' Standard English. Basic Books. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
• Morgan, Marcyliena (2002). Language, Discourse and Power in African American Culture. Cambridge University Press. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
• Mufwene, Salikoko et al. (1998). African-American English: Structure, history and use. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-11732-1.
• Rickford, John (December 1997). Suite for Ebony and Phonics. Discover magazine Vol. 18 No. 12.
• Rickford, John (1999). African American Vernacular English. Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 0-631-21245-0.
• Rickford, John and Rickford, Russell (2000). Spoken Soul: The Story of Black English John Wiley. ISBN 0-471-39957-4.
• Simpkins, Gary A., G. Holt, and Charlesetta Simpkins (1977). Bridge: A Cross-Cultural Reading Program. Houghton-Mifflin. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
• Smitherman, Geneva (1977). Talkin and Testifyin: The Language, of Black America. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)
• Smitherman, Geneva. (2000) Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner. Rev. ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 0-395-96919-0
• Wardhaugh, Ronald (2002). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Blackwell. {{cite book}}: Cite has empty unknown parameter: |1= (help)

External links

• Asimov, Nanette. "Opening Pandora's Box". San Francisco Chronicle January 19, 1997. Asimov interviews Toni Cook: "The Oakland school board member principally responsible for the controversial resolution on ebonics reflects on several weeks of turmoil."
• Drake, Dan. "The Notorious Ebonics Resolution of Oakland, California". Critique of the Oakland resolution (with annotated text) and of most of its critics
• Jones, Gayle. "Ebonics essay". The African-Americanist (University of Missouri–Columbia) 7, no. 1. 1998.
• Linguistic Society of America. "Resolution on the Oakland "Ebonics" Issue" unanimously adopted at the annual meeting of the LSA, Chicago, January 3, 1997 in support of the Oakland school board's decision.
• Oakland (Calif.) Board of Education. First resolution (18 December 1996), formal title "Resolution of the Board of Education adopting the report and recommendations of the African-American Task Force: A policy statement; and Directing the Superintendent of Schools to devise a program to improve the English language acquisition and application skills of African-American students".
• Oakland (Calif.) Board of Education. Revised resolution (15 January 1997), formal title "Amended resolution of the Board of Education adopting the report and recommendations of the African-American Task Force: A policy statement; and Directing the Superintendent of Schools to devise a program to improve the English language acquisition and application skills of African-American students".
• Oubré, Alondra. "Black English Vernacular (Ebonics) and Educability: A Cross-Cultural Perspective on Language, Cognition, and Schooling". 1997. African American Web Connection.
• Patrick, Peter L. "African American English: A webpage for linguists and other folks". University of Essex.
• Patrick, Peter L. "A bibliography of works on African American English". University of Essex.
• "Phonological Features of African American Vernacular English (AAVE)". Child Phonology Laboratory, University of Alberta. 2001. A large inventory of AAVE phonological features
• Pullum, Geoff. "Why Ebonics Is No Joke". Lingua Franca transcript, 17 October 1998. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. The grammarian Geoff Pullum corrects popular misconceptions about AAVE.
• Rickford, John R. "Ebonics Notes and Discussion". December 1996. On the grammar and phonology of AAVE, and the term "Ebonics".
• Rickford, John R., and Angela E. Rickford. "Dialect Readers Revisited". Linguistics and Education 7 (1995), no. 2, 107–128.
• Sidnell, Jack. "African American Vernacular English". Language Varieties (University of New England).