Viktor Yanukovych: Difference between revisions

Viktor Yanukovych Віктор Янукович
4th President of Ukraine
In office 25 February 2010 – 22 February 2014
Prime Minister	Yulia Tymoshenko Oleksandr Turchynov (Acting) Mykola Azarov Serhiy Arbuzov (Acting)
Preceded by	Viktor Yushchenko
Succeeded by	Oleksandr Turchynov (Acting)
9th and 12th Prime Minister of Ukraine
In office 4 August 2006 – 18 December 2007
President	Viktor Yushchenko
Deputy	Mykola Azarov
Preceded by	Yuriy Yekhanurov
Succeeded by	Yulia Tymoshenko
In office 28 December 2004 – 5 January 2005
President	Leonid Kuchma
Deputy	Mykola Azarov
Preceded by	Mykola Azarov (Acting)
Succeeded by	Mykola Azarov (Acting)
In office 21 November 2002 – 7 December 2004
President	Leonid Kuchma
Deputy	Mykola Azarov
Preceded by	Anatoliy Kinakh
Succeeded by	Mykola Azarov (Acting)
People's Deputy of Ukraine
In office 25 May 2006 – 12 September 2006
In office 23 November 2007 – 19 February 2010
4th Governor of Donetsk
In office 14 May 1997 – 21 November 2002
Preceded by	Volodymyr Sherban
Succeeded by	Anatoliy Blyzniuk
Personal details
Born	(1950-07-09) 9 July 1950 Yenakiieve, Soviet Union (now Ukraine)
Political party	Communist Party (Before 1991) Party of Regions (2003–2010) Independent (2010–present)
Spouse	Lyudmilla Oleksandrivna
Children	Oleksandr Viktor
Residence	Mezhyhirya
Alma mater	Donetsk National Technical University Kiev National University of Trade and Economics
Signature
Website	Government website

Viktor Fedorovych Yanukovych (Ukrainian: Ві́ктор Фе́дорович Януко́вич, ; Template:Lang-ru; born 9 July 1950) is a Ukrainian politician who was President of Ukraine from 2010 to 2014. He took office in February 2010 after beating Yulia Tymoshenko in a second round of voting. Four years later, on 22 February 2014, he was impeached by a vote of 328 out of 340 in the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine's parliament.

His first attempt to become president in 2004 failed when the Ukrainian Supreme Court nullified and ordered a re-run of the initial second-round ballot electing Yanukovych, which was fraught with allegations of fraud and voter intimidation amid widespread citizen protests and occupation of Kiev's Independence Square in what became known as the Orange Revolution. (See also Ukrainian presidential election, 2004.) Yanukovych lost the court-ordered second 2004 presidential run-off election to Viktor Yushchenko. However, Yanukovych continued to lead his party, the Party of Regions.

Yanukovych served as the Governor of Donetsk Oblast from 1997 to 2002. Subsequently he was Prime Minister of Ukraine from 21 November 2002 to 31 December 2004 under President Leonid Kuchma. After the failed 2004 presidential election, Yanukovych served as Prime Minister for a second time from 4 August 2006 to 18 December 2007 under President Yushchenko. On 3 March 2010, Yanukovych transferred the leadership of the party to Mykola Azarov.

November 2013 saw the beginning of a series of events that led to President Yanukovych's fight for survival. What started as peaceful popular protests and the occupation of Kiev's Independence Square by young pro-European Union Ukrainians over Yanukovych's rejecting the pending EU association agreement in favor of a Russian loan bailout and closer ties with Russia and dubbed Euromaidan, in January 2014 morphed into deadly clashes across Ukraine pitting ordinary Ukrainians against each other and against Yanukovych's special police units.

Talks with Yanukovych had failed. Ukraine was on the brink of civil war, as violent clashes led to the death of 28 protesters, 7 policemen and a civilian bystander along with 335 injured people on 18th February. Seventy more were killed and about 2,000 injured on 20 February in further bloody clashes in the capital Kiev. On 22 February 2014 MPs found the president unable to fulfill his duties and exercised constitutional powers to set an election for May 25 to select his replacement.

Early life and career

Viktor F. Yanukovych was born in the village of Zhukovka near Yenakiieve in Donetsk Oblast, Ukrainian SSR, Soviet Union. He had a very hard childhood about which he has said: "My childhood was difficult and hungry. I grew up without my mother who died when I was two. I went around bare-footed on the streets. I had to fight for myself every day." Yanukovych is not ethnically Ukrainian, but rather of Russian, Polish, and Belarusian descent. Yanukovych is a surname of Belarusian origin; Yanuk being a derivative of the Catholic name Yan (“John”). His mother was a Russian nurse who died when Yanukovych was two years old, and his father was a Polish-Belarusian locomotive driver, originally from Yanuki, Vitsebsk Voblast. By the time he was a teenager, Yanukovych had lost both his parents and was brought up by his Polish paternal grandmother, originally from Warsaw. His grandfather and great-grandparents were Lithuanian-Poles. Yanukovych has half-sisters from his father's remarriage, but has no contact with them.

In 1972, Yanukovych took a job as an electrician in a local bus company and later enrolled and completed a technicum course. In July 1974, he succeeded in enrolling into the Donetsk Polytechnic Institute with his first application. In 1976, as a second-year student, he was promoted to director of a small trucking division within the Ordzhonikidzeugol coal mining company. In 1980, he graduated (by correspondence) from the institute, with a major in mechanical engineering. Immediately upon graduation, Yanukovych was appointed chief manager of a transportation company in Yenakiieve and admitted to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. His appointment as the chief manager marked the start of his managerial career as a regional transport executive, a position in which he served for two decades. Amongst the companies he has worked for have been: Donbasstransremont, Ukrugolpromtrans, and the complex Donetskavtotrans.

Criminal convictions

On 15 December 1967, at the age of 17, Yanukovych was sentenced to three years incarceration for participating in a robbery and assault. The sentence was later reduced to 18 months as part of the amnesty announced in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the October Revolution. The court did not show Yanukovych clemency, a practice common for young, first-time offenders. At the court trial Yanukovych pled guilty and did not appeal his sentence even though he had the chance to do so at the expense of the state.

On 8 June 1970, he was convicted for a second time on charges of assault and was sentenced to two years of imprisonment. The verdict was not appealed. Decades later, Yanukovych characterized his arrests and incarceration as "mistakes of youth".

On 11 July 2005, the office of the Donetsk Oblast Prosecutor charged Yanukovych with fraud stemming from alleged irregularities in the way his convictions were expunged twenty years earlier. In 2006, the General Prosecutor of Ukraine closed the case due to lack of evidence. In 2006, a criminal charge was filed for the falsification of documents regarding the alleged quashing of Yanukovych's prior convictions after it was discovered that two documents had been forged. The signature of the judge in Yanukovych's case had also been forged as a charge of battery.

On 29 January 2010, the Prosecutor General of Ukraine Oleksandr Medvedko claimed that Yanukovych was unlawfully jailed in his youth, which astonished the (then) Minister of Internal Affairs Yuriy Lutsenko.

Political career: 1996–2010

Yanukovych's political career began when he was appointed as a Vice-Head of Donetsk Oblast Administration in August 1996. On 14 May 1997 he was appointed as the Head of the Administration (i.e. Governor). Between May 1999 and May 2001 he was also the Head of Donetsk Oblast Council.

Academic career

In 1980, at the age of 30, Yanukovych completed tertiary studies in mechanical engineering as a correspondence student at the Donetsk Politechnical Institute. In 2001, at the age of 51, he received his Masters in International Law from the Ukrainian Academy of Foreign Trade. The President's site also states that he is an Academic of the Academy of Economic Sciences of Ukraine, Doctor of Economic Sciences, and a Professor. In 1999, while in the position of vice head of the Donetsk Oblast Administration, not yet having completed his masters degree, received the honorary title of docent (lecturer) of the (nonexistent) Faculty of Automobile Transport at the Donetsk State Academy of Administration; a tertiary education establishment that specialised in Economics and Management. Students of the academy testify that such a faculty did not exist, nor do they remember Yanukovych reading any lectures.

In 2000, it is reported that Yanukovych received the academic credential of Doctor Habilitatus of Science. In order to receive this academic credential, apart from his dissertation, Yanukovych needed to publish at least ten papers, to prepare five students for their doctoral defense and to be actively involved in academic work. No evidence that he fulfilled these requirements can be found.

From December 2000 to February 2004, while in the position of Ukrainian Premier, it is stated that Yanukovych headed the faculty of Innovative management at the Donetsk State University of management.

In 2001, while in the position of Governor General of the Donetsk Oblast it is reported that Yanukovych graduated from the Ukrainian Academy of Foreign Trade as a Master of International Law. However, very few of the then-enrolled students remember him in classes, taking exams, or attending graduation. Yanukovych was further granted the titles of Professor in Economics.

The Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine's electronic catalog has a list of 23 publications, text books, and monographs with Yanukovych listed as author. However, on further investigation the library does not have any copies of the above-mentioned works. The Academy where they were prepared and apparently printed also has no record of the said publications.

In order to receive the academic title of professor, one needs to lecture for at least 10 years and to publish a number scientific articles in internationally accredited peer publications. It remains unknown how he could have allegedly fulfilled these duties in addition to serving as governor.

Yanukovych is also a "professor" of the International Academy of Sciences, Education, Industry and Arts, registered to a P.O. Box in Mountain View, California.

Apart from his academic credentials, Yanukovych has the military rank of major, however, there is no record of him serving in the military.

Prime Minister (2002–2004)

President Leonid Kuchma appointed Yanukovych to the post of Prime Minister following Anatoliy Kinakh's resignation. Yanukovych began his term as Prime Minister on 21 November 2002 following a 234-vote confirmation in the Verkhovna Rada, only 8 more than needed. Under Yanukovych, the government began to pay more attention to reforming the coal industry.

In foreign affairs, Yanukovych's cabinet was considered to be politically close to Russia, although declaring support for Ukrainian membership in the European Union. Although Yanukovych's parliamentary coalition was not supporting Ukrainian membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), his cabinet agreed the commission of Ukrainian troops to the Iraq War in support of the United States' War on Terrorism.

2004 presidential campaign

Viktor Yanukovych (First round) – percentage of total national vote

Viktor Yanukovych (Second round) – percentage of total national vote

Viktor Yanukovych (Final round) – percentage of total national vote

Further information: Ukrainian presidential election, 2004, Orange Revolution

In 2004, as the Prime Minister, Yanukovych participated in the controversial Ukrainian presidential election as the Party of Regions candidate. Yanukovych's main base of support emerged from the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine, which favor close ties with neighbouring Russia. In the first round of voting held on 31 October 2004, Yanukovych took second place with 39.3 percent of the votes to opposition leader Viktor Yuschenko with 39.8 percent. Because no candidate passed the 50 percent threshold, a second round of voting was scheduled.

The third place candidate, with 5.82% of the vote, was the Socialist Party's Oleksandr Moroz, a leader of the anti-Kuchma movement and opponent of the Ukraine's NATO-membership attempts. In fourth place was the Communist Party's Petro Simonenko, with 4.97%. In fifth place was the Progressive Socialists' Natalia Vitrenko with 1.53%. Vitrenko endorsed Yanukovych and Moroz endorsed Yushchenko for the second round of elections; Simonenko did not endorse any of the candidates, however, and so Yushchenko became the favourite to win. In the second round of the election, Yanukovych was initially declared the winner. However, the legitimacy of the election was questioned by many Ukrainians, international organizations, and foreign governments following allegations of electoral fraud. The second round of the election was subsequently annulled by the Supreme Court of Ukraine, and in the repeated run-off, Yanukovych lost to Yushchenko with 44.2 percent to Yushchenko's 51.9 percent.

After the election, the Ukrainian parliament passed a non-binding motion of no confidence to his government, urging outgoing President Leonid Kuchma to dismiss Yanukovych and appoint a caretaker government. Five days after his electoral defeat, Yanukovych declared his resignation from the post of Prime Minister. In November 2009 Yanukovych stated that he conceded defeat only to avoid violence. "I didn't want mothers to lose their children and wives their husbands. I didn't want dead bodies from Kiev to flow down the Dnipro. I didn't want to assume power through bloodshed."

After the Orange Revolution

Following his electoral defeat in 2004, Yanukovych led the main opposition party against the Tymoshenko government made up of Yushchenko's Our Ukraine, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc, and Oleksandr Moroz's Socialist Party. This government was marred by growing conflict between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko. Yanukovych's Party of Regions support allowed for the establishment of Yuriy Yekhanurov's government in late 2005.

In October 2004, Ukrainian deputy Hryhory Omelchenko accused Yanukovych of having been a member of "a group of individuals who brutally beat and raped a woman, but bought off the victim and the criminal case was closed". The press-service of the Ukrainian Cabinet asserted that Yanukovych suffered for the attempt to defend a girl from hooligans.

2006 and 2007 parliamentary elections (second turn as Prime Minister)

Russian President Vladimir Putin meets Prime Minister Yanukovych during a visit to Kiev (22 December 2006).

In January 2006, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine started an official investigation of the allegedly false acquittal of the criminal convictions which Yanukovych received in his youth. Yuriy Lutsenko, the head of the ministry, announced that forensic tests proved the forgery of the respective documents (issued in instead of 1978) and initially claimed that lack of the formal acquittal precluded Yanukovych from running for the seat in the 2006 parliamentary election. However, the latter statement was corrected within days by Lutsenko himself who conceded that the outcome of the investigation into the legality of the Yanukovych's acquittal could not affect his eligibility to run for the parliament seat since the deprivation of his civil rights due to the past convictions would have expired anyway due to the statute of limitations. Viktor Yanukovych's Party of Regions won the 2006 Ukrainian parliamentary election. These elections determined the next government's makeup as, due to constitutional changes that came into force on 1 January 2006, the Prime Minister and his cabinet were now appointed by the parliament.

Having ruled out any post-election deals with the parties headed by either Yushchenko or former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, Yanukovych was given an opportunity as squabbling between Yushchenko and Tymoshenko failed to produce a government for weeks, though deals restoring Tymoshenko to the premiership appeared at times to be completed. Yushchenko insisted that one of his allies become speaker of the Rada, even though Oleksandr Moroz coveted the post. Yanukovych offered Moroz the post of speaker, permitting Yanukovych to establish a new government with the Socialist Party and Petro Simonenko's Communist Party. As the presidency maintained control of foreign affairs and defence despite the weakening of its powers under the amended constitution, Yanukovych had to assure that he would not interfere with the president's pro-Western international ambitions. Yushchenko commissioned Yanukovych to form a government in cooperation with his own Our Ukraine party on 3 August 2006 (several hours after the deadline for doing so expired).

In 2006 a criminal charge was made for the falsification of documents regarding the retraction of Yanukovych's prior conviction. According to Rossiyskaya Gazeta two documents had been forged regarding Yanukovych's robbery in association with rape and assault and battery. The signature of the judge for these documents in Yanukovych's retraction was also forged.

On 25 May 2007, Viktor Yanukovych was assigned the post of appointed chairman of the Government Chiefs Council of the Commonwealth of Independent States.

In the parliamentary elections on 30 September 2007, the Party of Regions won 175 out of 450 seats (34.37 percent of the votes) in the Verkhovna Rada. Despite increasing its overall percentage of support compared to the 2006 election (when it was 32.14 percent), the party lost 130,000 votes and 11 parliamentary seats. After the Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc formed a coalition government on 18 December 2007, the Party of Regions went into the opposition.

Presidental campaign

Main article: Ukrainian presidential election, 2010

Viktor Yanukovych (First round) – percentage of total national vote (35.33%)

Viktor Yanukovych (Second round) – percentage of total national vote (48.95%)

In 2009, Yanukovych announced his intent to run for President in the upcoming presidential election. He was endorsed by the Party of Regions. In December 2009 Yanukovych's candidacy was also endorsed by the Youth Party of Ukraine.

During the campaign Yanukovych declared he didn't see any opportunity for Yulia Tymoshenko to be Prime Minister if he is elected the president. On 9 December 2009 opposition leader Yanukovych stated that he would consider holding new parliamentary elections in March if a majority coalition cannot be quickly formed after his election as president because incumbent Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko "has her own program, and I do not think that she would agree to implement somebody else's. And what is even more important, even if she agrees, I won't believe her; President [Viktor] Yuschenko believed her twice, and she deceived him, I don't and can't have any confidence in Tymoshenko".

Minister of Internal Affairs Yuriy Lutsenko accused him of financial fraud during the campaign. Yanukovych's campaign was expected to have cost $100 to $150 million.

In November 2009, Italian singer and composer Toto Cutugno accused the writers of the pro-Yanukovych song "Leader" written for the 2010 campaign of plagiarism of his song "Ti amo". Yanukovych distanced himself from the song, saying "I have heard nothing and I have ordered nothing".

On 11 December 2009, Yanukovych stated that his Party of Regions possesses information that "government representatives are currently "motivating" the chairmen of election commissions and seeking options for victory in every possible way" and called for his supporters go to the Maidan Nezalezhnosti in case of election fraud.

Early vote returns from the first round of the election held on 17 January showed Yanukovych in first place with 35.8% of the vote. He faced a 7 February 2010 runoff against Tymoshenko, who finished second (with 24.7% of the vote). Analysts predicted a slight advantage for Tymoshenko in the second (and final) round as she was more likely to attract voters from the other 16 candidates who did not proceed to the second round. Viktor Yanukovych refused to hold debates with his opponent before the second round of voting, saying Yulia Tymoshenko should either take responsibility for every word as prime minister, or go to the kitchen. After all ballots were counted the Ukrainian Central Election Commission declared that Yanukovych won the election with 48.95% of the vote compared with 45.47% for Tymoshenko. Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc members immediately claimed that there was systematic and large-scale vote rigging in this run-off.

On 10 February 2009, Yanukovych called on Tymoshenko to abandon her protests and resign as Prime Minister. On 9 February 2010, Yanukovych had stated that Borys Kolesnykov was his preferred next Prime Minister of Ukraine. According to him pre-term parliamentary elections will be imminent if the Ukrainian parliament would not work effectively. Yanukovych also stated that, as the largest faction in the parliament at the time, his party was entitled to nominate the premier. On 15 February, Yanukovych stated "I do not rule out the candidature of Tigipko (as next Prime Minister). Tigipko is on the list which, in my opinion, will be discussed next week in parliament".

On 16 February 2010, Ukraine's parliament had fixed 25 February 2010 for the inauguration of Yanukovych as president. On 17 February 2010, "the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine", suspended the results of the election on Yulia Tymoshenko's appeal. On 20 February 2010, Tymoshenko withdrew her appeal after "the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine" rejected her petition to scrutinize documents:
— about 300,000 voters who voted but were not in the "Register of Voters of Ukraine";
— about 1.3 million voters who "without right" voted in their homes;
— about falsification in the election in the eastern regions (Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv region, Crimea, etc.) — fixed by law-enforcement officials.
Tymoshenko stated : "I and my political party will never recognize Yanukovych as the legitimately elected president of Ukraine"; "an honest court will assess that Yanukovych was not elected President of Ukraine, and that the will of the people had been rigged".

Public opinion

Public Opinion Polls predicted the Party of Regions and Viktor Yanukovych's win in the 2010 Presidential election, which he won in the second round ballot against Yulia Tymoshenko in February 2010. According to an article in Kyiv Post in November 2009, Yanukovych's popularity in the Donbass was fading and Donbass voters voted mainly for Yanukovych to keep Tymoshenko from power.

Presidency

Inauguration

Ukraine's parliament had (on 16 February) fixed 25 February 2010 for the inauguration of Yanukovych as president. Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko signed a decree endorsing a plan of events related to Yanukovych's inauguration on 20 February 2010. Yushchenko also congratulated and wished Yanukovych "to defend Ukrainian interests and democratic traditions" at the presidential post.

On 20 February 2010 Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko (BYuT) announced that they would not attend the inauguration.

Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Rus at Yanukovych's invitation conducted a public prayer service at Kiev Pechersk Lavra before Yanukovych's presidential inauguration. Patriarch Kirill also attended the inauguration along with High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Catherine Ashton, United States National Security Advisor James Jones and speaker of the Russian parliament Boris Gryzlov.

Yanukovych's immediate predecessor, Yushchenko, did not attend the ceremony, nor did the Prime Minister, Yulia Tymoshenko, and her party, Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko.

The event was attended by many foreign dignitaries.

2015 presidential election

Main article: Ukrainian presidential election, 2015

On 19 December 2013 Yanukovych stated that he had not made the decision yet to participate in the 2015 presidential election and would do so after "some dialogue with our society and see that I have some prospects and I can have the chance to continue my work". He added "If, theoretically speaking, my rating is low and has no prospects, I won't hinder the country's development and movement ahead".

First days

Yanukovych wanted to remove the second Tymoshenko Government. On 21 February 2010 Yanukovych did offer three candidates for Prime Minister: Sergiy Tigipko, Our Ukraine faction member Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Party of Regions lawmaker Mykola Azarov. The second Tymoshenko Government fell on 3 March 2010 after the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian Parliament) had passed a motion of no confidence in the Government.

On 3 March 2010 Yanukovych suspended his membership in the Party of Regions. Yanukovych was barred by the Constitution from heading a political party, and handed over leadership in the party and its parliamentary faction to Mykola Azarov.

"The new modernization strategy sets a number of basic priorities, first of all, the creation of a modern competitive state, the substantial characteristics of which are the supremacy of law and a developed legal culture, a balanced representative democracy, strong self-government, and disciplined and mobile state management.

Infrastructure

The second priority is the humanization of development, which means increasing social investments in human capital and the formation of a modern life sustenance infrastructure.

On new alliances

The organization of the modernization of the education and healthcare systems, an increase of social standards, the creation of a culture of the creative use of spare time and the development of national cultural industries are defined as the top priorities of the reforms."

Yanukovych annual address to parliament (April 2011)

Yanukovych has said, "Ukraine's integration with the EU remains our strategic aim", with a "balanced policy, which will protect our national interests both on our eastern border – I mean with Russia – and of course with the European Union". According to Yanukovych, Ukraine must be a "Neutral state" which should be part of a "collective defence system which the European Union, NATO and Russia will take part in." Yanukovych wants Ukraine to "neither join NATO nor the CSTO". He stated on 7 January 2010 that Ukraine is ready to consider an initiative by Dmitry Medvedev on the creation of a new Europe collective security system stating "And we're ready to back Russia's and France's initiatives". Yanukovych stated during the 2010 presidential election-campaign that the current level of Ukraine's cooperation with NATO is sufficient and that the question of the country's accession to the alliance is therefore not urgent. "The Ukrainian people don't currently support Ukraine's entry to NATO and this corresponds to the status that we currently have. We don't want to join any military bloc". On 27 May 2010 President Yanukovych stated he considered Ukraine's relations with NATO as a partnership, "And Ukraine can't live without this [partnership], because Ukraine is a large country".

In early November 2011, Yankukovych claimed that "arms are being bought in the country and armed attacks on government agencies are being prepared." These claims were met with disbelief.

For 2012 he predicted "social standards will continue to grow" and "improvement of administrative services system will continue". Yanukovich announced $2 billion worth of pension and other welfare increases on 7 March 2012.

In May 2012 Yanukovych set up the Constitutional Assembly of Ukraine; a special auxiliary agency under the President for drawing up bills of amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine; the President then can table them in parliament.

Misc.

Yanukovych has been a speaker at congresses of the Russian political party United Russia. Party of Regions signed a collaboration agreement in 2005 with United Russia.

During the campaign Yanukovych stated that if elected president in 2010 he would not oblige government representatives to hang his portraits or other symbols portraying him.

Presidential powers of appointment

On 25 June 2010 President Yanukovych criticised 2004 amendments in the Ukrainian Constitution which weakened presidential powers such as control over naming government ministers, passing those functions to parliament.

During the 2011 World Economic Forum Yanukovych called Ukraine "one of the leaders on democratic development in Eastern Europe".

Domestic policy

Amid controversy Ukrainian lawmakers formed a new coalition on 11 March 2010 which included Bloc Lytvyn, Communist Party of Ukraine and Party of regions that led to the Azarov Government. 235 deputies from the 450-member parliament signed the coalition agreement.

Financial policy

Fight against corruption

Immediately after his election as President of Ukraine in February 2010 Yanukovych announced that "the new Cabinet of Ministers should start a war against corrupt practices". During the festivities dedicated to the 20th anniversary of the State Tax Service of Ukraine on 1 July 2010 President Yanukovych announced a step up of efforts towards the eradication of corruption.

Tax code

On 30 November 2010 Yanukovych vetoed a new tax code made by the Azarov Government and earlier approved by the Verkhovna Rada but protested against in rallies across Ukraine (one of the largest protests since the 2004 Orange Revolution). Yanukovych signed an new Tax Code on 3 December 2010.

Domestic spending vs. debt

Yanukovych Party of Regions wants to increase social benefits, and raise salaries and pensions. In late 2009, a law that raised the minimum wage and pensions was passed in the Ukrainian Parliament. As a result of this, the International Monetary Fund suspended its 2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis emergency lending programme: according to the IMF, the law breached promises to control spending. During the 2010 presidential campaign Yanukovych had stated he would stand by this particular law. According to Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc member of parliament Oleh Shevchuk, Yanukovych broke this election promise just three days after the 2010 presidential election when only two lawmakers of Yanukovych's Party of Regions supported a bill to raise pensions for low-incomes.

Yanukovych believed that the demographic situation in Ukraine "is unacceptable" and hopes to increase the birth rate in Ukraine by improving the economic situation. The Party of Regions is planning to create conditions for the return of Ukrainian migrant workers to Ukraine.

Energy policy

Russian gas

According to Yanukovych, relations between Ukraine and Russia in the gas sector must be built “according to the rules of the market”. He sees the gas agreement signed in 2009 after the 2009 Russia-Ukraine gas dispute as very unprofitable for Ukraine he and wants to "initiate the discussion of the most urgent gas issues" after the 2010 presidential election. Yanukovych has promised before his election as Ukrainian President to "solve the issue" concerning the Russian Black Sea Fleet, currently stationed in the Ukrainian port Sevastopol, "in a way so that the interests of Russia or Ukraine would not be harmed". This led to the April 2010 Ukrainian–Russian Naval Base for Natural Gas treaty. Yanukovych had also promised to create a consortium that would allow Russia to jointly operate Ukraine's gas transportation network and he has pledged to help Russia build the South Stream natural gas pipeline. As of June 2010 both did not happen. Yanukovych rejected accusations that improvement of Ukrainian-Russian relations harms relations with the European Union. “Our policy is directed to protection of our national interests. We do not live in a fairy tale and understand that our partners also defend their interests”. In February 2012 Yanukovych stated, referring to relations with Russia, "It is not wise to fall asleep next to a big bear".

Downgrading uranium stock

During the 2010 Nuclear Security Summit Yanukovych announced that Ukraine would give up its 90-kilogram stock of highly enriched uranium and convert its research reactors from highly enriched to low-enriched uranium. It intends to accomplish these goals by 2012.

Modernizing energy

During the 2010 presidential campaign Yanukovych called for the modernization of Ukraine's energy sector (including technologies to save energy) increase of Ukraine's domestic natural gas production, tax reforms (cut the Value Added Tax (VAT) to 17 percent by 2011 from 20 percent and corporate tax to 19 percent from 25 percent, banks should not offer mortgages with more than 7 percent interest rates), and reforming the legal system in order to fight against corruption. He also believed that by 2019 Ukraine should be one of the G-20 major economies. Yanukovych believes Ukraine could gain energy security through the development and construction of more nuclear power stations and he wants to modernise the Ukrainian coal industry. Yanukovych favors import substitution industrialization and deregulation.

Cultural policy

Wish for 2022 Winter Olympics

Main article: Lviv bid for the 2022 Winter Olympics

On 27 May 2010 Yanukovych announced during a visit to Lviv that Ukraine "will start working on the official nomination of our country as the holder of the 2022 Winter Olympics in the Carpathians".

East/West Ukraine unification

Yanukovych has stated that his "aim and dream" is a unification of Ukraine, although in his opinion "there are already no borders between the East and West of the country today". Yanukovych wants to create a free trade zone and visa regime with the EU as soon as possible. Prospects for Ukraine's joining the European Union first depend on a political decision of the European Union, according to Yanukovych.

Holodomor

Yanukovych's stance on the Holodomor is: "Holodomor took place, was denounced and the international society gave an evaluation of the famine, but it was never labeled as a genocide of the Ukrainian people. Ukraine's attempts to do so by blaming one of our neighbors are unjust." "The Holodomor was in Ukraine, Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. It was the result of the policies of Stalin's totalitarian regime." In 2003 he supported then President Leonid Kuchma’s position that the Holodomor famine was genocide against Ukrainians. Yanukovych's press service claims that he does not approve of crimes of the KGB and their predecessors in Soviet times, however, in 2002 he wrote in a book endorsing the KGB and its predecessors, stating that the NKVD and Cheka "firmly stood on guard over the interests of our people and the state” and praised them for launching “a struggle against political extremism, sabotage and criminal activities.”).

Russian as an official language

Yanukovych has stated in the past that he wants Russian to become the second state language in Ukraine (currently Ukrainian is the only official language of Ukraine; Russian is more spoken in daily communications in Ukraine than Ukrainian). On the other hand, he stated at a meeting with Taras Shevchenko National Prize winners in Kiev on 9 March 2010 that "Ukraine will continue to promote the Ukrainian language as its only state language". In a newspaper interview during the 2010 Ukrainian presidential election-campaign he stated that the status of Russian in Ukraine "is too politicized" and said that if elected President in 2010 he would "have a real opportunity to adopt a law on languages, which implements the requirements of the European Charter of regional languages". He said that this law would need 226 votes in the Ukrainian parliament (50% of the votes instead of the 75% of the votes needed to change the constitution of Ukraine) and that voters told him that the current status of Russian in Ukraine created "problems in the hospital, school, university, in the courts, in the office".

Reconciliation between opposing World War II factions

Yanukovych noted the importance of finding ways of reconciliation between Ukrainians fighting on opposite sides in World War II in his speech at the ceremony to mark Victory Day 2013. In this speech he also expressed confidence that Nazi and Soviet totalitarianism of the past would never return.

Religion

In a late July 2013 speech Yanukovych stated: "All churches and religious organizations are equal for the state. We respect the choice of our citizens and guarantee everyone’s Constitutional right to freedom of religion. We will not allow the use of churches and religious organizations by some political forces for their narrow interests. This also refers to foreign centres through which religious organizations sometimes seek to affect the internal political situation in Ukraine. This is a matter of the state’s national security".

Social policy

Chernobyl workers' benefits cut

Social benefit cuts for Chernobyl rescue workers, small business owners and veterans of the Soviet war in Afghanistan caused fierce protests in Kiev in October/November 2011 by several thousand protesters.

Public sector reform

Yanukovych set in motion a set of administrative reform with the aim to reduce the number of civil servants in Ukraine early December 2010. According to Yanukovych this is part of a "course of reforms aimed at deep and comprehensive modernization of Ukraine". One of the planned reforms is decentralization. The fight against corruption is also a spearhead in his domestic policies. He also promised reforms on 21 directions in 2011.

National policy

Russian lease for Crimea naval base

Signing documents with President Dmitry Medvedev

On 21 April 2010 in Kharkiv, Yanukovych and Dmitry Medvedev, the Russian President, signed the 2010 Ukrainian–Russian Naval Base for Natural Gas treaty, whereby the Russian lease on naval facilities in Crimea would be extended beyond 2017 by 25 years with an additional 5-year renewal option (to 2042–47) in exchange for a multi-year discounted contract to provide Ukraine with Russian natural gas. This treaty was approved by both the Russian and Ukrainian parliaments (Verkhovna Rada) on 27 April 2010.

On 22 April 2010, Yanukovych stated he did not rule out the possibility of holding a referendum on the stationing of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Ukraine after the necessary legislative framework is adopted for this in future. Yanukovych did plan to hold plebiscites also on other subjects. Opposition members accused Yanukovych of "selling out national interests". According to Yanukovych the main priority of his foreign policy is to integrate Ukraine "into the European mainstream", while improving relations with Russia. According to Yanukovych the only way out of holding the state budget deficit down, as requested by the International Monetary Fund, while protecting pensioners and minimal wages was to extend the Russian Navy lease in Crimea in exchange for cheaper natural gas.

Foreign policy

Barack Obama talks with President Viktor Yanukovych during a pull aside at the 2012 Nuclear Security Summit at the Coex Center in Seoul

Yanukovych's first foreign visit was to Brussels to visit the President of the European Council, Herman Van Rompuy, and the EU Foreign Affairs chief, Catherine Ashton. During the visit Yanukovych stated that there would be no change to Ukraine's status as a member of the NATO outreach program.

During his second foreign visit to Moscow in March, Yanukovych vowed to end years of acrimony with Russia, saying that ties between Russia and Ukraine "should never be the way they were for the past five years". He indicated that he was open to compromise with Russia on the Black Sea Fleet's future (this led to the April 2010 Ukrainian–Russian Naval Base for Natural Gas treaty), and reiterated that Ukraine would remain a "European, non-aligned state", referring to NATO membership. Both Russian President Dmitry Medvedev (April 2010) and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin (June 2010) soon stated they noticed a big improvement in relations with Ukraine since Yanukovych's presidency.

On 3 June 2010, the Ukrainian parliament excluded, in a bill written by Yanukovych, with 226 votes, Ukrainian membership of any military bloc, but allowed for co-operation with military alliances such as NATO. A day later Yanukovych stated that the recognition of the independence of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Kosovo violates international law, "I have never recognized Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Kosovo's independence. This is a violation of international law".

On 22 November 2010, the European Council and Ukraine announced "an action plan for Ukraine toward the establishment of a visa-free regime for short-stay travel". In May 2011, Yanukovych stated that he will strive for Ukraine to join the EU. Yanukovych's stance towards integration with the EU has, according to The Economist, led him to be "seen in Moscow as a traitor", a reversal of the 2004 presidential election where Moscow openly supported Yanukovych.

The sentencing of Yulia Tymoshenko to seven years in prison on 11 October 2011 was met with national and international protest and threatens Ukraine–European Union relations.

Controlled democracy

President Yanukovych and the Party of Regions have been accused of trying to create a "controlled democracy" in Ukraine and as a means to this are trying to "destroy" main opposition party BYuT, but both have denied these charges. One frequently cited example of Yankukovych's attempts to centralize power is the 2011 sentencing of Yulia Tymoshenko, which has been condemned by Western governments as potentially being politically motivated. Other high-profile political opponents currently under criminal investigation include Leonid Kuchma, Bogdan Danilishin, Igor Didenko, Anatoliy Makarenko, and Valeriy Ivaschenko. According to Yanukovych (on 4 February 2011), "[M]any lies [have been] told and attempts made to misinform the international community and ordinary people in Ukraine about the true state of affairs in the country." He also stated, "[A] crushing blow delivered under [my] rule to corruption and bureaucracy has been met with resistance". He stated in February 2012 that the trial of Tymoshenko and other former officials "didn't meet European standards and principles".

Press censorship allegation

Main article: Freedom of the press in Ukraine

2013 Press Freedom Index

Very serious situation   Difficult situation   Noticeable problems

Satisfactory situation   Good situation   Not classified / No data

Ukraine moved from "noticing problems" 89th place in 2009, now ranking 126th

As president, Yanukovych stated in early February 2010 that he would support the freedom of speech of journalists and protect their interests. In general he wants the civil society to be involved in government policy making. During spring 2010 Ukrainian journalists and Reporters Without Borders complained of censorship by Yanukovych's Presidential Administration; despite statements by Yanukovych how deeply he values press freedom and that ‘free, independent media that must ensure society’s unimpeded access to information.’ Anonymous journalists stated early May 2010 that they were voluntarily tailoring their coverage so as not to offend the Yanukovych administration and the Azarov Government. The Azarov Government, the Presidential Administration and Yanukovych himself denied being involved with censorship. In a press conference 12 May 2010 President Yanukovych’s representative in the Verkhovna Rada Yury Miroshnychenko stated that Yanukovych is against political repression for criticism of the regime.

End of presidency

On 22 February 2014 members of the Ukrainian parliament (MPs) voted to "remove Viktor Yanukovych from the post of president of Ukraine" and hold early presidential elections on 25 May. The vote was passed 328-0 MPs. The vote came an hour after Mr Yanukovych said in a televised address that he would not resign. Protesters walked unchallenged into the president's office and residential compounds. The opposition effectively took control of the capital Kiev, Yanukovych having departed the previous day to the eastern city of Kharkiv, near the Russian border.

On the same day parliament removed Yanukovych from office, it released his main rival Yulia Tymoshenko from prison. She had been confined there since 2011, in what many saw as political payback by Yanukovych. Her release had been an unmet condition for Ukraine's signing a European Union trade pact.

Background

Euromaidan protests

Main articles: Euromaidan and Ukraine–European Union Association Agreement

See also: Timeline of the Euromaidan and February 2014 Euromaidan riots

For ongoing protests, see 2014 Hrushevskoho Street riots and 2014 Ukrainian Regional State Administration occupations.

The Euromaidan protests started in November 2013 where Ukrainian citizens demanded stronger integration with the European Union. The origins of EuroMaidan began as a smaller protest that had started in Independence Square in the center of Kiev on 21 November, the day President Viktor Yanukovych had abruptly changed his mind on an Association Agreement with the European Union, deciding to strengthen economic ties with Russia instead. But it was not until 30 November, when a group of student protesters were attacked by police leading to several injuries and hospitalizations, that the protest became a national movement. Masses swarmed to join in Independence Square, swelling up to nearly 1 million on 8 December.

Mass protests in Kiev

Anti-riot police forces consisting of Internal Troops holding protective position and Berkut special policemen shooting in Kiev riots, Jan. 22

President Yanukovych in Warsaw 4 February 2011, speaking about Ukrainian corruption and cronyism

"Bureaucracy and corruption are today hiding behind democratic slogans in Ukraine. The Ukrainian nation is wise and it will understand. Because a small handful of people, who have been plundering the country for 20 years is only a handful, from which the whole society, the whole state and our image in the world have been suffering. The interest of the Ukrainian nation is that the practice was put an end to... The country has to change. We need to reverse our approaches 180 degrees, and we will do it. The Ukrainian nation stimulates us to.

The protesters have refused to leave the square until their demands are met: for the government to release jailed protesters, sign the EU agreement, and change the Constitution of Ukraine, and for Yanukovych to resign.

Public protests, attacked by police, thundered into a full-throttle civil uprising. Yanukovych appeared to hope that the protests would fizzle if he dismissed them as the work of his political opponents; instead, protesters have called all the louder for his resignation, saying he is aloof and unresponsive.

Violence escalated after 16 January 2014 when Yanukovych signed Bondarenko-Oliynyk laws, also known as Anti-Protest Laws. Demonstrators occupied provincial administration buildings in at least 10 regions, sending the police fleeing through rear exits in some instances. Verkhovna Rada lawmakers repealed nine of the 12 restrictive laws that had been passed on 16 January by a show of hands, without debate. Outrage ensued at the limits the laws imposed on free speech and assembly in the country. In a striking concession aimed at defusing Ukraine's civil uprising and preserving his own grip on power, President Yanukovych offered to install opposition leaders in top posts in a reshaped government, but they swiftly rebuffed the offer to the delight of thousands of protesters on the street craving a fuller victory in the days ahead.

Mykola Azarov, the prime minister of Ukraine, resigned on 28 January. In a statement he wrote that he was resigning "for the sake of a peaceful resolution" to the civil unrest.

Writing the third week of February 2014 on the eve of violence unprecedented in post-Soviet Ukraine triggered when Yanukovych ordered a massive police operation to clear Independence Square, Newsweek journalist Lecia Bushak noted, "EuroMaidan has grown into something far bigger than just an angry response to the fallen-through EU deal. It's now about ousting Yanukovych and his corrupt government; guiding Ukraine away from its 200-year-long, deeply intertwined and painful relationship with Russia; and standing up for basic human rights to protest, speak and think freely and to act peacefully without the threat of punishment."

Talks with Yanukovych failed, and Ukraine was on the brink of civil war since 28 protesters were killed including seven policemen and a civilian bystander and 335 injured on 18 February and dozens of others on 20 February in bloody clashes in the capital Kyiv.

Allegations of corruption

Yanukovych has been widely criticized for "massive" corruption and cronyism. In a feature describing and depicting in photographs Yanukovych's new mansion costing more than 75 million US dollars, Sergii Leshchenko notes, "For most of [Yanukovych's] career he was a public servant or parliament deputy, where his salary never exceeded 2000 US dollars per month." Under a photo showing the new home's ornate ceiling, Leschenko remarks, "In a country where 35% of the population live under poverty line, spending 100 000 dollars on each individual chandelier seems excessive, to say the least.

By January 2013, more than half of the ministers appointed by Yanukovych were either born in the Donbas region or made some crucial part of their careers there, and Yanukovych has been criticized for "regional cronyism" for his staffing of police, judiciary, and tax services "all over Ukraine" with "Donbas people". Over 46% of the budget subventions for social and economic development was allotted to the Donbas region's Donetsk Oblast and Luhansk Oblast administrations – 0.62 billion UAH ($76.2 million) versus 0.71 billion UAH ($87.5 million) for the rest of the country.

Yanukovych has been accused of using the Berkut, a ubiquitous national special police force under his personal command, to threaten, terrorize, and attack at election time voters across the country who dare vote for non-Yanukovych candidates to local governments. Individual cases have been reported of citizens grouping together and fighting back against the Berkut in order to practice their right to vote. Upon coming to power Yanukovych had reversed oversight measures established during the Yushcenko administration to curb Berkut abuse of citizens whereupon the special force "upped its brutality."

Anders Åslund, a Swedish economist and Ukraine analyst, has described the consolidation of Ukrainian economic power in the hands of a few elite industrial tycoons, the richest and most influential of whom has become President Yanukovych's own son Oleksandr Yanukovych. While the exact distribution of wealth and precise weight of influence are difficult to gauge, two things are evident: No one has been enriched more than the younger Yanukovych, and most of the country's richest men are afraid to cross the Yanukovich family, even in cases where their own economic interests favor an economically pro-EU Ukraine and even when forced to sell their companies to the Yanukovych family at heavy discounts. One notable exception to the Yanukovych family's grip on the country's oligarchs is Petro Poroshenko, who is described as "uncommonly courageous" and whose confectionery empire is less susceptible to ruin by the tremendous power the Yanukovych family wields, strongest in the heavy industry sectors located in Yanukovych's geographic power base, the traditionally pro-Russian eastern part of Ukraine.

In an overview The Ukrainian Week claimed in March 2013 that by then Yanukovych had failed to meet his 2010 election promises.

Personal life

Yanukovych is married to Lyudmyla Oleksandrivna. They have two sons, Oleksandr and Viktor. Viktor is a member of the Parliament of Ukraine. Yanukovych is a member of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate).

In March 2012 Yanukovych stated it was a problem for him in 2002 to speak Ukrainian but that "once I had the opportunity to speak Ukrainian, I started to do it with pleasure".

Until 2004, Yanukovych was known as batia ("Dad") among his family members, but since that time he became leader. As Yanukovych himself stated, his wife does not wish for her grandson to pick up the bad habits of his grandfather, albeit Yanukovych did not specify what kind of habits those were.

Yanukovych acquired the Mezhyhirya estate in a former forest preserve near Kiev in 2007, according to critics through a murky series of companies and transactions. Yanukovych did not reveal the price he paid, although he called it a "very serious price".

Yanukovych has been accused of plagiarism regarding a book by him published in August 2011.

Cultural and political image

Anti-presidential inscriptions concerning Yanukovych's criminal background (Luhansk, 2011)

Yanukovych is seen by opponents as representing the interests of Ukraine big business; they point out that his campaigns have benefited from backing by Ukrainian billionaire Rinat Akhmetov. Supporters of Yanukovych point out Donetsk Oblast (province) secured unprecedented levels of investment during his governorship.

Yanukovych draws strong support from Russian-speaking Ukrainians in the east of the country. Yanukovych is disliked and distrusted in western Ukraine. The People's Movement of Ukraine labeled his election on 10 February 2010 as "an attack by anti-Ukrainian forces in our state" and stated that "all possible legal means should be used to prevent the concentration of power in the hands of anti-state politician Yanukovych and his pro-Moscow retinue". On 16 February 2010, Yanukovych issued a statement that read: "I can say only one thing to those who anticipate that my presidency will weaken Ukraine – that will never happen." Yanukovych refers to himself as Ukrainian. Voters for Yanukovych in 2010 believed he would bring "stability and order". They blamed the Orange Revolution for creating broken promises, a dysfunctional economy and political chaos. During the 2010 presidential election campaign Yuriy Yakymenko, director of political research at the Razumkov Centre, stated: "I think he has not just changed on the surface but also in his ideas."

In 2004, Yanukovych was seen as outgoing President Leonid Kuchma and Russian President Vladimir Putin's protégé. Although Kuchma in conversation with United States Ambassador to Ukraine John F. Tefft, in a document dated 2 February 2010 uncovered during the United States diplomatic cables leak, called the voters choice between Yanukovych and Yulia Tymoshenko during the second round of the 2010 presidential election as a choice between "bad and very bad" and praised (the candidate eliminated in the first round of the election) Arseniy Yatsenyuk instead. In another January 2009 cable (then) Ambassador of Ukraine to Russia Kostyantyn Gryshchenko stated that Putin had a low personal regard for Yanukovych. In another Wikileaks diplomatic cable, Volodymyr Horbulin, one of Ukraine's most respected policy strategists and former presidential advisor to then-President Viktor Yushchenko, told the United States Ambassador to Ukraine John E. Herbst in 2006 that Yanukovych’s Party of Regions was partly composed of “pure criminals" and "criminal and anti-democracy figures."

Yanukovych is not known as a great speaker. His native language is Russian, similar to a majority of the population of his power-base and native Eastern Ukraine. He was however making efforts to speak better Ukrainian. He did admit in March 2012 that it was a problem for him in 2002 to speak Ukrainian. He has made some blunders in Ukrainian however since then. For the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election Yanukovych wrote an autobiography for the Central Election Commission, in which he misspelled his academic degree. Thereafter, he came to be widely referred to under this nickname in oppositional media and opponents' speeches. His autobiographic resume of 90 words contains 12 major spelling and grammatical errors. Opponents of Yanukovych made fun of this misspelling and his past (criminal) convictions during the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election campaign and the incident during the campaign (September 2004) in Ivano-Frankivsk when Yanukovych was rushed to hospital after he had been hit with an egg (while government officials claimed he was hit by a brick) was a source of ridicule.

Other famous blunders by Yanukovych are his claim that Anton Chekhov was "the Ukrainian poet" in January 2010, forgetting on 6 January 2011 to congratulate the Greek-Catholic Ukrainian community that by following the Julian calendar also as the rest of Ukrainian people celebrates Christmas that day and confusing Kosovo with Serbia and Montenegro, and North Ossetia with South Ossetia in March 2010. Over the years, Yanukovych's proficiency in the Ukrainian language has noticeably improved.

Yanukovych stated in November 2009 that he respects all Ukrainian politicians. "I have never offended anyone. This is my rule of politics." Despite of his claim, on 22 September 2007, during 2007 Ukrainian Parliamentary Election campaign, while delivering a speech in Vinnytsia, he compared Yulia Tymoshenko's performance as Prime Minister to "a cow on the ice" (" Вона прем'єр-міністр, як корова на льду....", "She is as prime minister as a cow on the ice") most likely referring to her skills and professionalism as a prime minister.

Other cases of strong colloquialisms used by Viktor Yanukovych include the incident when he called former president Viktor Yushchenko "a coward and a babbler", as well as the speech in Donetsk during 2004 Ukrainian presidential election, when he referred to the electorate of his opponent Viktor Yushchenko as "goats that make our lives difficult" ("эти козлы, которые нам мешают жить"). Later, during the TV debates with Yushchenko he explained, "I called goats the traitors. According to the Bible, the goat is a traitor, and there are also rams, sheep."

Opinion polls have shown Yanukovych's popularity has sunk since his election as President in 2010, with polls giving him from 13% to 20% of the votes if a presidential election was to be held in 2012 (in 2010 he received 35.8% of the vote in the first round of that election). A public opinion poll taken by Sociological group "RATING" gave him 25.1% of the votes in an imaginary February 2013 presidential election.

American consultant Paul J. Manafort has advised Yanukovych since 2005.

The Ambassadors of the European Union to Ukraine, Jose Manuel Pinto Teixeira, stated at an April 2012 interview with Korrespondent that Yanukovych's presidency "fell short of expectations".

Awards

• Order of Merit, 3rd class (13 November 1998), 2nd class (3 July 2000), 1st class (3 July 2002)
• Order "Miner's award" 3, 2, 1 class
• Order "Miner's glory" 3, 2, 1 class
• Certificate from the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine (2000)
• Order of Saint Nestor (1998)
• Order of St. Vladimir (Patriarchate of Russia), 3rd class (1998), 2nd class (2004), 1st class (2010)
• Order of the Holy Prince Daniel of Moscow, 1st class (Patriarchate of Russia, 2004)
• Order of St. Sergius, 1st class (Patriarchate of Russia, 2004)
• Knight Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour (France, 2010)
• Order of the Precious Wand (Mongolia, June 2011)
• Order of St. Mashtots (Armenia, 30 June 2011)
• Order of José Martí (Cuba, 22 October 2011
• Order Ismoili Samoni (Tajikistan, 15 December 2011

See also

• 2006 Ukrainian political crisis
• 2007 Ukrainian political crisis
• 2014 Hrushevskoho Street riots
• Alliance of National Unity
• Ukrainian presidential election, 2010
• Party of Regions

Further reading

• Yanukovych, Viktor F.: Opportunity Ukraine. Vienna 2011. (Mandelbaum Publishing; ISBN 978-3-85476-379-6).

External links

• President of Ukraine — Official website Template:Uk icon Template:Ru icon Template:En icon
• "All power to councils – not to a President Czar"
• Yanukovych Personal Information Service
• Viktor Yanukovych on Twitter
• Party of Regions Official Information Server
• Yanukovych’s inner circle – Kyiv Post (21 January 2010)