Jump to content

User:Kallmemel/sandbox

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
< User:Kallmemel

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by Kallmemel (talk | contribs) at 14:54, 15 June 2023 (→The distinct character of Papiamento). The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

Prehistoric civilization

Archaic age dwellers of Aruba

Aruba's prehistoric era can be divided into two periods: the archaic ( pre-Ceramic ) and the Neo-Indian ( ceramic ) period.[1] The archaic period is characterized by a fisher-hunter-gatherers lifestyle. Amerindians during this period not only chipped stones but also polished and sharpened them.[2] One notable site, Sero Muskita, yielded a tool older than other Archaic Age sites on the island. The finishing techniques and shape of this tool resembles one found at Arikok, suggesting a date before approximately 2000 BC. These tools' presence on the island may be due to occasional visits from the mainland.[3] Seroe Colorado location suggest indigenous habitation on Aruba dating back to around 1500 BC.[4]

Archaic Amerindians in South America led a seminomadic lifestyle, depending on hunting large game. However, as their prey became scarce, they adapted to coastal living. Instead of settling permanently, they moved between different locations for varying periods. In total, 33 sites from the Archaic Age have been identified on Aruba. These sites mainly consist of coastal shell middens containing bivalves and oysters. Typically, these middens are found within one kilometer of the coastline. Additionally, there are specific sites for stone extraction and stone working, such as Coashiati and Dos Playa. These sites were previously categorized as belonging to either the Archaic or Ceramic Age due to the presence of similar rock types and stone working techniques found in contexts from both periods.[5]

Leeward Islands maintained connections and engaged in trade with mainland South America, particularly with partners in the present-day Falcón-Zulia state in Venezuela and possibly the La Guajira Peninsula ( Venezuela/Colombia ). The specific language group to which they belonged remains uncertain.[6] This idea is supported by the discovery of 60 to 70 burial grounds at Malmok and Canashito in Aruba. Among these burial sites, five are found smaller Canashito burial ground and are dated between 100 BC to 100 AD. Interestingly, isotopic research revealed that one of the individuals buried there was not from Aruba and had a different diet compared to the other four individuals of Aruban origin. This finding suggests that early human migration and cultural exchange were already part of the cultural pattern of these archaic Indians at an early stage.[4]

The burial site in Malmok, Aruba, dates back to the period between 450 and 1000 AD. The Arubans of that time had a short and stocky physique, with adult men averaging 1.57 metres (5.2 ft) in height and women averaging 1.49 metres (4.9 ft). The burial customs offer insight into the social dynamics of the archaic island inhabitants. Based on the burial patterns, it was deduced that they traveled in clans of fifteen to thirty people. These groups were led by an adult man, who was buried at the center of the cluster. His elevated status was emphasized by the presence of several stones marking his grave. The rest of the family group was buried around him.[7]

Recent research provides evidence of yet unresolved form of cultural continuity between archaic and neo-Indian inhabitants. In particular, the discovery of maize traces references to agricultural or horticultural at the pre-ceramic site in Canashito ( 350 BC – 150 AD ). At Spaans Lagoen evidence of the use of pottery by archaic populations has been found, indicating that archaic inhabitants did in fact have a form of agriculture or horticulture and ceramics.[8][9][4]

Neo-Indian period: the Caquetío

The archaic population disappeared from Aruba from the archeological record around 950 AD, shortly after the arrival of the neo-Indian—Caquetío. It is clear that the Caquetíos had a superior culture in socio-economic and technological terms. It is possible that the new Caquetío Indians lived alongside the archaic Indians on Aruba for a time and that they were ultimately displaced or assimilated.[10]

In the year 1500, the Caquetío people lived on Aruba. They belonged to the Arawak people. The origin of Arawak civilization ( a name based on a linguistic classification ) is located in the central Amazon region. Between 1500 and 500 BC, the influence of the Arawaks had expanded to the Caribbean basin and the Guianas. Between 850 and 1000 AD, Caquetío Indians migrated from western Venezuela, probably from the Paraguaná and Guajire peninsulas, to the Leeward Antilles. They belonged to the Arawak-Maipure language family.[11][12][13][14] The name Caquetío refers to how this group referred to themselves during their first contact with Europeans. They had longer and narrower skulls than the archaic population, and their height was up to 1.60 metres (5.2 ft). The newcomers brought pottery and agriculture to the islands and are therefore classified as part of the neo-Indian period.[10]

The area over which the legendary cacique Manaure exercised his authority was the coastal region of the current state Falcón-Zulia at Venezuela, including the Paraguaná peninsula, as well as Aruba, Curaçao and Bonaire. The Caquetío people had a highly developed process of state formation. They had a chiefdom, which in human evolution is often a precursor to a kingdom, where central leaders—paramount chiefs—controlled multiple subordinate political-administrative units.[15][11][12] The emphasis was more on the political and religious alliances between indigenous communities than on the military control or subjugate vast territories. At the head of the Caquetío chiefdom was a spiritual leader called diao who had both secular and religous authority in modern terms. He was endowed with powers that could influence nature: a shaman. The diao position was hereditary. By being allowed to marry multiple wives, the diao was able to establish and maintain political alliances with other groups, tribes, or villages. The chiefdom was centralized in its design, but not based on authoritarian or violence-based subjagation.[16] The Spanish conquistador interrupted this process of expansion at the time of the European contact ( AD 1499–1535 ).

The Caquetío territory consisted of several, and therefore smaller, political units that were under the authority of lower "second-tier chiefs" who were subordinate to the highest authority.[11]How the central authority was exercised over the units is not clear. However, there are reports from the contact period that suggest the diao did not exert his power over the lower units in arbitrary manner. Likely there was a form of consultation between the diao and lower leaders. In the 16th century, two sub-units, the Guaranos and Amuayes, lived on the Paraguaná peninsula.[17]Aruba, which is less than 30 kilometers away from Paraguaná, was previously connected to one of these units.[11][18]

After the Diao and the regional sub-units, such as the mentioned Guaranaos an Amuayes in Paraguaná, the village formed the third level of governance in the hierarchy of the chiefdom. Aruba had ( not necesarily simultaneously ) five villages: three larger ones Ceri Noca ( Santa Cruz ), Tanki Flip ( Noord ), and Savaneta, and two smaller ones near Tanki Leendert and Parkietenbos, which have not yet been systematically studied. The location of Aruban villages varied. They were situated in places where beneficial agriculture land was available and where the most favorable hydrological conditions prevailed, such as where several rooi ( gullies ) came together and where relatively much water was available.[19][12]

The Caquetío people probably used a shifting cultivation farming method, also known as slash-and-burn.[20] The yields from agriculture and fishing were supplemented by engaging in trade of raw materials and artifacts that were not locally available or producible.[a][21][11][22] The Leeward Caquetíos certainly did not live in isolation, but formed outlying regions of a dynamic chiefdom with regional trading networks.[23]

Burial practices

In 1882, a french explorer named Alphonse L. Pinart, documented an account provided by an old Aruba Indian. According to the Indian's account, witnessed at the former Indian encampment at Saboneta, a native female was inhumed in one of the large conical ollas. Her body was doubled up inside the vase, with the head protruding through the orifice. Subsequently, a smaller urn was placed upside down on the head and the entire burial was covered with earth.[24]

The Caquetío people were buried in clusters, both within and potentially outside village boundaries. At times, there was a secondary burial, possibly reserved for exceptional individuals. In the primary burial, the deceased were buried in a large pot, covered with a smaller pot placed on top. In a secondary burial, the body was initially buried without a pot, and after a few months or years, the bones were exhumed and reburied in smaller pots for a second time. Some pots contained grave offerings such as axes, shells, and pottery. Remarkably, the secondary burial method was practiced until recently in South America. The striking similarity between the Neo-Indian burial practices in Aruba and the post-Columbian variant in Guajira justifies the assumption that the similar beliefs about life after death existed in both societies.[25] Further research is needed on the fact that there were several burial customs among the Aruban Caquetío people at the time of the confrontation of Caquetío civilizations and the colorful procession of Europeans, including Spaniards and Italians, Christians, humanists, and Jews, who sailed under the Spanish flag and, in the name of their God and their rulers undertook the colonization and devastation of the newly discovered areas.[b]

Spanish colonization

New route to India

It is known that Christopher Columbus was not searching for a new continent, but for the shortest route to India. India had been the spearhead of European trade expansion and the foreign policy of the Spanish Crown since the travels of Marco Polo a century earlier. India, China, and Japan formed the focal point of medieval ideas about boundless riches; cities with houses covered in gold, and islands with inexhaustible amounts of spices, pearls, and silk. The suspicion arose that India could be reached via the relatively short route to the west, across the ocean of Atlantis.

During his third voyage to the New World, Columbus was searching for the southern route to India and explored the Paria Peninsula ( eastern Venezuela ) and the Orinoco region, where he discovered the fresh river water of the Orinoco delta. The suspicion arose that he had not found islands off the coast of India but a much more extensive land mass; an extension of Asia. Columbus did not realize that this was an unknown continent. Characteristics of his Christian, medieval attitude, Columbus solved the puzzle by assuming that he had discovered the earthly paradise. The earthly paradise was inaccessible to humans without God's permission. Columbus experienced the geographical discovery of the New World in Christian terms and assigned himself a special role assigned by a divine power. With the discovery of the Americas the myths of the Golden Age, Atlantis, and the earthly paradise moved from Asia to the New World. He died on May 20, 1506, believing that he had found new islands of the coast of or possibly a peninsula of India—pre-islands: Ant-ilha. These Ant-ilhas were inhabited by peoples whom he called "Indians".[26]

Early explorations

The Kuna Amerindians in present-day Panama/Colombia used the name Abya Yala for the landmass or continent that separated both oceans.[27] In 1500, Juan de la Cosa drew the first map of the New World, which depicted the two Leeward Antilles known at the time. On this map, de la Cosa portrayed Columbus as the carrier of Christ.[28] This was followed by the more accurate Cantino map, created anonymously in 1502, which also showed an extensive landmass and mentioned the Isla do gigante ( Island of Giants ) and Isla do brasil ( Island of Brasil ).[29] The location of the Isla do gigante southwest of the Isla do brasil suggest that it refers to Bonaire and Curaçao since Aruba is located more to the northwest. In a letter written by Amerigo Vespucci to Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de' Medici upon their return from the isles of India, he described how they found a very large village, where they had houses built with great skill upon the sea, as in Venice, and all the beams of their houses were of brazilwood.[30] Venice lends its name to both the gulf and region of Venezuela ( literally 'little venice' ). Here, however, the name is applied not to the mainland but to the island of Aruba, situated at the entrance of the Gulf of Maracaibo. By "mistake", the name will be transferred to a site on the coast in Juan de la Cosa's map.[31][32]

In 1493, the year in which the West Indian islands became known in Europe, the division between the secular ( civil ) and religious authorities in the New World had to be arranged. The newly appointed Spanish Pope, Alexander VI, issued the Inter Caetera bull, granting the Spanish Crown sovereignty over the newly discovered territories and the responsibility of the holy task: 'to send good, God-fearing men, who are earned and capable, to those islands and continents to teach the natives living there about the Catholic faith and instill in them good habits.' In exchange for the papal approval of the treaty, Spain promised to vigorously carry out missionary work in the discovered territories. This gave Spain the right to evangelize the Americas and appoint and dismiss priests, blurring the separation between church and state in the region. In other words, the Spanish Crown was granted significant religious authority in the Americas, which was not strictly separate from the state and weakened the distinction between the religious and secular spheres—a key aspect of separation between church and state.

The conquistador

Main article: Conquistador

Humanity experienced a devastating genocide as the conquistadors were fascinated by legends of inexhaustible gold reserves of El Dorado and violently imposed the authority, culture, and values of the Old World ( Europeans ) over the New World ( indigenous societies ). The conquest was characterized by bloodshed, destruction, and forced assimilation of the native peoples into European society. For example, in 1492, Columbus initiated Indian slavery. Europeans had an advantage because they had superior weapons, such as firearms, steel swords, armor, ships, horses, and targeted military strategies. While expedition leaders mostly came from the higher echelons of late medieval society, their foot soldiers were usually from the lower middle class of southern Europe. These soldiers formed the basis of the future group of encomenderos.[33] The encomienda system granted Spanish colonizers right by the Spanish Crown to extract tribute and labor from indigenous peoples. For example, indigenous communities had to give up a portion of the yields from their agricultural or farm land, known as conucos [c] in Taino, as a form of taxation and to provide for the food supply of the colonists. The defeated were often kidnapped and forced to participate in expeditions elsewhere in the New World as slave laborers.

The Caquetío population of the Leeward Islands was incorporated into the Spanish colonial empire around 1500. On June 8 and 10, 1501, Alonso De Ojeda acquired the exclusive right to exploit the current Venezuelan coastal area, known as Coquibacoa, and the islands of the coast Curaçao, Aruba, and Bonaire, and probably also the Mongues and Aves Islands. De Ojeda had to form an administration as far west as possible on the Tierra Firme to secure the Spanish presence. His appointment decrees mentioned las Islas Adyacentes a la costa firme, but the islands were not named. He was explicitly forbidden to enslave natives (70). However, De Ojeda lacked administrative skills and intentions, and he became a controversial figure. He established a base, named Santa Cruz, at the tip of Guajira, from where he conducted trade and, probably even more importantly, carried out his raids, including slave hunts. During his third voyage to the New World in 1502, De Ojeda visited Curacao, but his attempt to exploit the region failed. Instead, Bartolomé de Las Casas documented De Ojeda's raids, slave hunts, and atrocities in the rural areas of present-day Cartagena in his book, Historia General de las Indias.[35][36][37] These raids were disastrous, even for the Spaniards, and marked the end of the first attempt to control the region. Upon returning to Spain in 1504, De Ojeda was brought to trial to account for his failed venture and the atrocities he had committed. De Ojeda lost his case, and the court stripped him of his earthly possessions and the rights to exploit the region. De Ojeda died in 1515 or 1516, impoverished, in a Franciscan monastery in Hispaniola. As a sign of his forced simplicity, he was buried in the entrance of the monastery.[38]

In 1513–1515, the Leeward Antilles were depopulated, an estimated 2,000 indigenous inhabitants of Curaçao, Aruba, and Bonaire, and likely more from Tierra Firme, were affected by this. Most of the Caquetío were taken to Hispaniola as forced laborers. Many of them likely died on the way or later in the gold mines by the Spanish colonizers or during the devastating smallpox epidemic of 1518. Later on, new Indians migrated from the mainland to Aruba, while Indians were brought to Curaçao by Juan de Ampiés. The Indigenous population was under encomienda, which ended the autonomy of Caquetío community in the islands. Their relatives on the mainland did not fare any better. After an unsuccessful attempt by Bartolomé de Las Casas to convert the local population to Christianity, the coastal region of the mainland was leased to the banking firm of the Welsers in 1528. This led to the violent conquest of the Caquetío kingdom. Before 1634, Curaçao, along with its neighboring islands Bonaire and Aruba, were considered part of the province of Venezuela. They had been separated from Venezuela only during the during the period of the Welser grant.[39]

The appropriation of the Caribbean region turned out to be a failure for the Spaniards. The exploitation of the West Indian islands proved unprofitable, and gold mining on Hispaniola and Puerto Rico declined. Spanish settlers moved elsewhere, and In 1569, the Spanish Crown banned settlement on the Caribbean islands by Royal decree. This measure that did not apply to the leased islands of Curaçao, Aruba, and Bonaire. The colonization of the large Caribbean islands, such as Cuba, was encouraged, while the small islands were abandoned. Most of the islands remained largely uncontrolled and undefended, making them a potential opportunity for northwestern European countries that wanted to break Spain's monopoly on colonizing the New World. England, France, the Netherlands, and Denmark explored the possibilities of piracy and trade on the Caribbean islands.[40]

On the continent, the great empires declined, but indigenous societies continued to exist and were exposed to a long process of merizaje. In the Falcón-Zulia province, among other places, Caquetío societies survived on Tierra Firme. Although their cultures and social structures were largely destroyed by the Spaniards.[d] On the ( former ) Caquetío coastal islands of Aruba, Curacao, and Trinidad, indigenous people lived well into the colonial period. The indigenous history of the Guajira peninsula extends to the present day.[41][42][11] The Wayú are increasingly being recognized on the Leeward Islands as possible contemporary ancestors or lost relatives from (pre)historic times.[11][43][44][e]

Dutch colonization

Salt trade

Al is de Sallem schoon, De Haering spant de Kroon.

The salmon may be beautiful, the herring surpasses all.

— Den Ryper zee-postil, bestaende in XXII. Predicatien toegepast op den zeevaert (1699)[46]

The Dutch were compelled to venture into forbidden waters of the Caribbean due to their need for salt, defying Phillip II and his closed sea policy known as mare clausum. Since the mid-15th century, the prosperous Dutch herring industry had been steadily expanding.[47] The West Frisian towns of Hoorn, Enkhuizen, and Medemblik were particularly active in the salt trade, thanks to their thriving fishing industries.[48] Herring was a crucial commodity for Dutch commerce, requiring salt for preservation. Salt also played a vital role in the butter and cheese industry, as well as in preserving food during long voyages.[48] The curing or pickling process for herring was well-established during the Middle Ages. After catching the herring, the packers would remove the internal organs, mix them with salt to create a brine, and pack them in barrels along with additional salt.[49] While Zeeland was not heavily involved in fishing, they were renowned for their salt whitening process, which was highly sought after throughout Europe.[48]

During the 1400s, shipbuilders in the Low countries created a new type of fishing vessel called the herring buss, specifically designed for deep-sea fishing. These busses proved to be significantly more effective than the smaller flat-bottom commonly used for coastal fishing. As time went on and the early 16th century approached, the buss underwent modifications, evolving into three-masted ship with distinctively curved bows.[50]

Salt importation began in the 15th century when the Dutch discovered high-quality salt in Setúbal the Iberian coast. This sea salt was perfect for preserving herring because of its magnesium sulfate and magnesium chloride content. It was also more affordable than domestic salt, which was produced by burning peat from coastal bogs infused with sea salt over the centuries (6).[51] The Dutch obtained salt from Setúbal by trading goods from the Baltic Sea region. However, the Eighty Years' War, which started in 1585, prompted Phillip II to halt this trade.[47] With the salt supply cut off, the Dutch were forced to seek new trade routes. Their quest for salt led them as far south as the Isla de Mayo and Isla de Sal ( the Cape Verde Islands ) until 1598, eventually expanding to the West Indies.[48]

Shortages of salt in Cape Verde, combined with unsafe conditions under the Spanish rule, compelled the Dutch to venture across the Atlantic.[48] Seeking alternative sources, they initially explored Brazil but abandoned it due to inadequate saltpans. They then turned their attention to Punta de Araya in Tierra Firme before the 17th century.[47] The salt reserves in Punta de Araya had been largely untouched by the Spaniards, with numerous accessible pans spread along the coast and islands. While the Iberians were primarily attracted to the area for its pearls, the salt in Punta de Araya was abundant and of high quality, surpassing that of the Iberian peninsula. Rather than being a rock salt deposit, it was a gem salt derived from the clay of the surrounding hills.[48] However, following the Truce of twelve years, the Dutch discovered that the Spaniards had fortified the saltpans, forcing them to give up their stake in Araya salt.[47]

After hostilities resumed, the Dutch established the West India Company (WIC) with the main objective of engaging in strategic military actions and privateering organization against Spain. This was the raison d'être or reason for the existence of the WIC. There secondary objective was focused on commerce and colonization, a choice that ultimately led to the downfall of the WIC in 1674. The WIC also gathered information on Spanish treasure fleets. In 1623, the first official fleet of the new WIC, a small squadron of only three ships commanded by Pieter Schouten, set sail for the Caribbean to engage in looting and plundering in the the Lesser Antilles and the Yucátan peninsula. It was during this voyage that the Dutch first encountered Aruba.[47]

The Dutch herring production reached its peak in the seventeenth century, earning it the nickname "gold mine of the republic" by the Dutch government in 1624.[49] Around1828 or 1829, the Dutch started obtaining salt regularly on Tortuga. Governor Francisco Núñez Melián of Venezuela destroyed the saltpans and took some Dutch prisoners, forced them to cut Brazilwood in Curaçao. One of these Dutchmen, Jan Janszoon Otzen, carefully assessed the island's excellent harbor and profitable saltpans, which he later communicated to the WIC. Recognizing their struggle for salt, the Dutch realized the need to establish a base in these waters to secure Curaçao. Johannes van Walbeeck, a renowned Company agent with a commendable record in Brazil, was appointed as the expedition's commander and future Governor of Curaçao, Bonaire, and Aruba. Curaçao was captured and acquired by the WIC in June 1634, primarily by their desire to obtain salt. In Van Walbeeck's report of 1634, Aruba is mentioned only in relation to Curaçao, where he refers to Bonaire and Aruba collectively as the "islands of Curaçao". Spain had another reason to regret its past neglect of the islas inútiles as they came under control of foreign invaders disputing Spain's arrogant claims.[47] However, the Dutch were dissatisfied with the available salt supply.[f] The natural salt pans were inadequate, and their attempts to create an artificial one at the entrance of Sint Ann Bay were a complete failure. Although the salt pans in Bonaire showed more potential, they never developed into a major salt trading center.[48] By 1816, Aruba had seven salt pans, all of which produced low-quality salt. The production of the salt barely met the consumption needs. Servants, accompanied by donkeys, were sent to collect salt, which was then distributed among the residents.[52]

Slavery in Dutch Caribbean

The WIC drew up an economical scheme for the three islands: Curaçao would focus on agriculture, Bonaire would be used for salt production and maize cultivation, and Aruba would primarily serve as a horse-breeding center.[53] According to the plan, Bonaire and Curaçao needed people from Africa, while Aruba required Indians. The Indian vaqueros possessed the knowledge of horse breeding and had the ability to swiftly capture freely roaming animals whenever needed. In 1636, Aruba was not left uninhabited after the Dutch took control of the island. After the departure of both the Spaniards and the indigenous Arawak people, a third wave of Amerindians repopulated Aruba from the mainland.[54]

The role of slave labor on the Leeward Islands was limited due the arid climate, which hindered the development of plantation economies. As a result, the social dynamics on the islands differed from those in the Caribbean colonies. Slavery in Curaçao had its origins in trade rather than plantation agriculture, and the prosperity of the Protestant and Jewih elite was tied to commercial activities. In comparison to the English islands, Curaçao had a larger population of domestic and artisan slaves. Bonaire, until 1869, functioned as a government-owned plantation where slaves primarily worked in the salt pans. The number of slaves ranged from 200 to over 300. Bonaire lacked a class of white settlers (Alofs, 2012). Aruba also held an exceptional position among the Leeward Islands in several respects. Similarly to the Spaniards, the Dutch WIC primarily used Aruba for breeding horses, donkeys, sheep, and goats for trade and to supply Curaçao with food. Colonization was prohibited on Aruba until 1754, until then, only a few slaves were employed for food production, a few hundred Amerindians worked with the government's livestock, a commander, and a few administrative officials resided on Aruba.

Between 1754 and 1767, European settlers from Curaçao established themselves on Aruba for the first time to start corn plantations. The proceeds from these plantations were intended to benefit the food supply on Curaçao. The freedoms of these settlers were limited. Trade, land sales, and livestock keeping were prohibited. Like the Amerindians, they were also obligated to perform so-called corvée services, such as chopping firewood, cleaning reservoirs for rainwater, or capturing livestock for the WIC. In 1767, Aruba had 120 households, of which eight were working for the Company and twelve were residing on the island with the Company's permission. The remaining hundred households were registered as indigenous (Heinze en Alofs, 1997). The corn plantations had already fallen into decline by then.

After approximately 1785, the number of settlers grew due to the relaxation of the settlement policy. Aruba increased in importance for the trade of Curaçao. Namely, the Paardenbaai ( Horse Bay ) served as transit port for Curaçao's trade in goat skins and provisions with the mainland. In 1807 to 1816, during the English interregnum, trade, livestock farming, and agriculture were neglected. However, the population increased from 1546 to 1732. The number of slaves rose from around 30 in 1795 to 194 in 1806 and 336 in 1816. After returning to the Dutch hands, the revival of trade continues until 1823. The discovery of gold, in 1824, and the implementation of a more liberal Regulation of Administration and Governance in 1824 made settlement on the island more attractive.

The plantation agriculture, which had little significance, aimed to cultivate profitable crops while also generating employment. From 1836 to 1845, Governor R.F. van Rader made unsuccesful attempts to explore new sources of prosperity. His main goal with agricultural attempts to explore new sources of prosperity. His main goal with agricultural experiments was to provide the colony with trade goods and create job opportunities for both the free population and the slaves. To achieve this he established plantations on Aruba, specifically focusing on growing aloe and cochineal in Canashito and Socotoro. However, the contribution of slaves was minimal, with 60 free workers employed at Canashito during Van Radars' tenure. After Van Radars' promotion to Governor of the unified colony of Suriname/Antilles in 1845, his successor Esser ( 1845–1848 ) showed little enthusiasm for the optimistic yet financially demanding plans, choosing instead a more cautios approach to exploiting crops.

Immigration and natural population growth led to an increase in population from 1,732 in 1816 to 3,438 in 1862. Slavery also grew in size after 1816, with Aruba having 336 slaves in that year, and the number of slaves ranged from 400 to 600 slaves between 1848 and 1863. In 1849, slaves accounted for 21.7 percent of the Aruban population. The relatively low percentage was due to the unsuitability of the climate ans soil for plantation economies. The contrast between slavery in Aruba and the Caribbean sugar islands was significant. In the Caribbean plantation colonies, slaves generally outnumbered the white population, with ratio as high as approximately 25:1 in 18th-century Suriname. In 1857, over half, or 56 percent, of the population on Sint Eustatius and Sint Maarten were slaves, while on Curaçao, Bonaire, and Saba, the percentages ranged from 30 to 38 percent. In contrast, Aruba had a much lower percentage of slaves at only 17.3 percent. The largest population segment on the island consisted of free individuals, while this second class of free people was much smaller in other places.

Slavery in Aruba 1700–1863

The presence of African slavery in Aruba can be traced back to the early 18th century. In 1711, Commander Flaccius of Aruba requested the dispatch of 5 or 6 slave from Curaçao to serve as livestock caretakers. However, it is likely that his request was never granted (11). Later, in late 1716, twenty salves were sent to Aruba with the purpose of cultivating cotton and corn on a plantation. Unfortunately, the yield in the first year was lower compared to other places like Bonaire. On the Company's garden in Aruba, they were able to harvest 1,700 baskets (51,000 pounds (23,000 kg)) of corn. This experiment came to an end in 1719 when Director Van Beuningen terminated it and dismissed Commander Koolman due to misconduct. The twenty slaves returned to Curaçao at that time(Jordaan 1997:124).

In 1750, a tragic incident occurred involving three rebellious slaves murdered the sister of Commander Nieuwkerk, her child, and two female slaves. The fugitives were relentlessly pursued and killed (Hartog 1980:69).

In 1773, the WIC confiscated 600 sheep from indigenous woman named Maria Tromp. While agriculture was permitted for indigenous people, large-scale livestock farming was not. To oversee the confiscated sheep, the Company brought two elderly company slaves and two child slaves from Bonaire (13). By 1804, the number of rural slaves in Aruba was only five, and they served primarily as cattle herders.

The exact number of private slaves is unknown, but with the increase in trade and the number of settlers, the number of enslaved Arubans also rose. Most of these slaves were owned by Protestant and Jewish traders who had settled on Aruba from Curaçao. However, there was also slave ownership among the indigenous population of Aruba. In 1975, the villagers of Noord refused to engaged in corvée labor. They believed that Hendrik Jansz, the Captain of the Indians, was exploiting the labor obligation for his personal gain. According to reports of the rebellion, it seems that the leader of the uprising, a person of Indian or mestizo descent named Andries Tromp, owned slaves. During a shoot out, where the infamous CAptain of the Indians suffered five gunshot wounds, one of Tromp's slaves was also injured(14).

Two years later, in 1797–1798, the construction of the future Fort Zoutman took place. This fortress was built as a defense mechanism to safeguard ships belonging to Curaçao trading houses from pirate assault. The ships utilized the Paardenbaai as a middle port during the trading activities between Curaçao and Paraguana. Slaves from Curaçao built Fort Zoutman. Aruban Indians were required, as a form of corvée labor, to provide the necessary supply of stones and lime. https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/documenten/toespraken/2022/12/19/toespraak-staatssecretaris-van-der-burg-op-aruba-19-december-2022

/media/wikipedia/commons/0/07/De_vrouw_in_Nederlandsch_Westindië_%281898%29_%28IA_BNADIGKOSTBARE179%29.pdf

http://hdl.handle.net/1887.1/item:53141

Virginia Dementricia

https://resources.huygens.knaw.nl/vrouwenlexicon/lemmata/data/Virginia

https://www.nationaalarchief.nl/onderzoeken/index/nt00462/699f03da-a0f5-11ea-aec3-00505693001d?searchTerm=demeticia

https://www.nationaalarchief.nl/onderzoeken/index/nt00462/69ce4de8-a0f5-11ea-aec3-00505693001d?searchTerm=Biest

Goud

http://hdl.handle.net/1887.1/item:1290261

Caquetío language

Main article: Arawakan languages

In the 16th and 17th centuries, the collection and study of native languages were irregular and lacking a systematic approach. There are no surviving documents specifically dedicated to the syntax or grammar of Arawakan languages from that time.[55] It was only in the late 18th century that linguists strated to study and classify Arawakan languages.[56] The Proto-Equatorial language originated around 5000 BC in Peru and Ecuador, specifically in the Madre de Dios and Ucayali river at the headwaters of the Amazon River.[57][58][56][59] This language led to the development of two distinct family groups: the Tupí-Guaraní, who migrated to the southward, and the Arawakan family, who migrated northward. Around 3500 BC, the Proto-Arawakan language emerged in the Amazon basin and the northern headwaters of the Río Negro area.[60] Between 3000 and 2000 BC, the Proto-Arawakan speakers migrated along Río Negro, navigated the Casiquiare Canal, and descended the Orinoco River into the Orinoco Basin. This migration resulted in the emergence of the Proto-Arawak language and the formaition of the Proto-Maipuran language. Around 1500 BC, they reached the Middle Orinoco near the Meta River and diversified into various sub-groups, including the Proto-Northern sub-group, which is particularly relevant as the ancestral sub-group of the Caquetío. These sub-groups migrated in different directions from the Middle Orinoco. Some moved westward via the Meta River into the Venezuelan Andes and Colombia, eventually giving rise to the Guajiro and Paraujano languages. Other continued downstream on the Orinoco[61][62] and exapanded into the Guianas and the West Indies, developing the Arawak language ( also known as Lokono ) in the Guianas and the Igneri language, which evolved into Island-Carib, in the Lesser Antilles. The Proto-Northerners, who settled in the Greater Antilles, developed the † Taino language.[63] Around 500 BC, the Caquetío language group separated from the Middle to Upper Orinoco region,[64] migrating along the Apure River and into Northwestern Venezuela. Eventually, they reached the islands of Aruba, Bonaire and Curaçao. Meanwhile, other groups such as the Carib, Lokono and Taino developed through migrations from the Orinoco into the Caribbean.

Northwestern Venezuela was home numerous Arawakan communities along the coast of Falcón State and the Guajira Peninsula. The Wayú people speak Guajiro, while the † Paraujano language, once spoken by the Añú people, is now extinct. Upon the arrival of Europeans, the widely spoken † Caquetío language became prevalent. Many place names (toponyms) and personal names (anthroponyms) remain in use along the coastal Falcón.[11] Some toponyms have also survived on Aruba, Curaçao, and Bonaire.[34][20] Caquetío was spoken not only on the islands but also along the Venezuelan coast, particularly in the regions of the Yaracuy, Portuguesa, and Apure rivers, which are now referred to as the Falcón and Lara States[65]. Unfortunately, the language faded into obscurity as the Amerindians population declined during the Spanish occupation of the islands.[66]

A significant discovery was the term kakïtho[67][68] used by the Lokono to refer to "people" or "living beings", which encompasses a broader meaning than the term loko. The Lokono term kakitho derived from the Caquetío term kaketío, and both can be traced back to Pre-Andean Maipuran terms for "person". The Piro and Irupina use the term kaxiti and kakiti, respectively, to designate "people". Considering the widespread use of this term, it is believed to have originated from Proto-Maipuran.[68][69] Some suggest that the name Caquetío may be derived from the Caqueta river.[70][71] The misspelling of "Caquetío" as Caiquetio originates from an early Spanish document.[72][71]

Papiamento

Main article: Papiamento

Before 1900 accounts of Papiamento

Explore the world of Papiamento through the eyes of pre-1900 travelers. These accounts offer unique perspectives and personal experiences of individuals who journeyed to the Dutch Caribbean islands.

The name "Papiamento"

The name "Papiamento" was first mentioned in a stenograph report dating back to 1747 in Newport ( Rhode Island ). This documented a court hearing that took place near the conclusion of the War of the Austrian Succession, which lasted from 1739 to 1748. The court hearing was held in order to shed light on the seizure in the same year of the Dutch ship the Jonge Johannes by an English privateer. The English, allied with the Dutch at the time, had mistakenly assumed the ship to belong to Spain. A misunderstanding that appears to have been created by the fact that members of the ship's crew spoke a language resembling Spanish. At the court hearing, Torinio Lopes, a member of the ship's crew was able to convince the court that the ship was in fact sailing under the Dutch flag and the the language spoken on board the ship was not Spanish but Papiamentu.[73]

Relevant passage from report The earliest references to "Papiamento"

Qn What language did the People on board the Sloop Speak?
 Ar Dutch, Spanish, and Poppemento, but chiefly Poppemento.
Qn Whether they commonly talk Poppemento in Curacao?
Ar Yes.
Qn Whether you have any knowledge of any Cocoa being sent home to Curacao in another Vessel?
Ar No.
Qn Can you speak Dutch?
Ar No.

Year Context
1704 Father Alexius Schabel: 'broken Spanish'
1732 Father Agustín Caysedo: 'the language of the country'
1737 Legal deposition: 'creolse taal'
1747 Curaçaoan Sailer Torinio Lopes: 'Poppemento'
1768 Anonymous report to archbishop of Caracas: 'Papiamento'
1795 Venezuelan lieutenant Manuel Carrera: 'Papiamento'
1802 British co-governor William Carlyon Hughes: 'Papimento'
1805 Governor Pierre J. Changuion: 'Papiments'
1816 Minorite priest Johannes Stöppel: 'Papiamentice'

Language shift and identity extinction

Gerardus Balthazar Bosch, a Dutch pastor, served in Curaçao from 1825 to 1836. Upon his return to the Netherlands, he published a book titled, Reizen in West-indië en door een gedeelte van Zuid-en Noord-Amerika. In this book, he describes the linguistic influences among the indigenous people of Aruba. "The indigenous population lived in relative seclusion, on the northern side of the island, while the White settlers and their enslaved Africans resided in the south and southeast. Despite the separation, they maintained amicable relationships and occasionally engaged in intermarriage. However, these unions were typically of a temporary nature, lasting for a month or a year. However, some lifelong marriages among them. As a result, they gradually lost their original language and adopted the language spoken by the White inhabitants, who used the local Curaçaoan language. On rare occasions, the present-day White inhabitants would hear the Indians speaking their old language, but this usually happened when they were intoxicated. The Indians of Aruba, like other parts of America, had a common inclination towards alcoholic beverages."[74]

Papiamento is influenced by various cultural and ethnic groups in the Dutch Caribbean. It consists of three distinct dialects: 1. the dialect spoken by those who know Spanish, which is similar to Spanish in pronunciation and spelling; 2. the dialect spoken by the Dutch, which is closer to Dutch in pronunciation and spelling; 3. the dialect spoken by those who fall between the first two categories, occassionally altering, omitting, or merging certain letters. The presence of the Dutch and Spanish influences in the language leads to variations in vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation among these different varieties of Papiamento.[75]

Example sentences:

Si bo let op bon, lo bo merke ku e dos jongelei-nan-ei ta ferlief riba otro. ( Dutch )

Si bo buta atenshon bon, lo bo ripara ku e dos hoben-nan-ei ta namora di otro. ( Spanish )

If you pay attention well, you will see that those two young people are in love with each other.[76]

The distinct character of Papiamento

On a geological survey of Aruba in 1884, a geologist Karl Martin describes in his book, Westindische Skizzen: Reise-Erinnerungen, that the language spoken in Aruba is Papiamento. However, he noted that the Papiamento spoken on the island is mixed with a significant number of Indian words compared to Curaçao, which gives the population a distinct character. Only the most respected individuals, who have connection with Curaçao, are fluent in the Papiamento of Aruba. For most people, it is considered a rarity if they also have a strong command of Dutch or can speak it fluently. Martin also mentioned that the ancient Aruba language has been extinct around 1800.[77]

In Aruba and Bonaire Indigenous people maintained their identity as a separate group somewhat longer, e.g. when Father van Koolwijk [Wikidata]Father van Koolwijk and Pinart published their lists of Indigenous words in use in Aruba in the late 19th century. Several of the surviving Caquetío words in Papiamentu come from these islands.[78]

Caquetío influences in Papiamento

The influence of Amerindian culture on the Papiamento language is evident through the presence of numerous Amerindian-derived words and toponyms. Over 150 topnonyms in Papiamento can be traced backed to Amerindian origins. These names provide valuable insight into the indigenous heritage of the region. (Table A-3).[79] One interesting aspect is that many of these Amerindians words in Papiamento are related to the local flora and fauna. These terms would have been unfamiliar to the European colonists and African slaves who arrived in the area.[80]

These indigenous names are particularly concentrated in specific regions of Aruba. For example, Northwestern Aruba, which saw significant habitation beginning around 1968, has a high number of Amerindian-derived toponyms. Additionally, the hilly areas of east Aruba, spanning from Cashiunti, Huliba, Kiwarcu and Coashiati/Jamanota, as well as the stretch along the north coast between Andicuri and Oranjestad, also features many Amerindian toponyms. In contrast, locations that were centers of European activities on Aruba have names of European origin. This includes the church sites from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, colonial roadsteads, and places where the Dutch or Curacao representatives resided, all have names of European origin.[81]

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/275519244_Caquetio_Indians_on_Curacao_during_colonial_times_and_Caquetio_words_in_the_Papiamentu_Language?channel=doi&linkId=553e236b0cf294deef6fba51&showFulltext=true

Etymology

The meaning and origin of the name "Aruba" are uncertain, as little is known about the language spoken by the Caiquetío people who inhabited the island before European colonization. However, the name "Aruba" is considered a hispanized Indian name of Arawakan origin.[82][83]

The oldest known maps to use the name "Aruba" are that of Padrón Real 1523 (found in Geocarta Nautica Universale) and Vesconte de Maggiolo map of the Western Hemisphere from 1527. Regardless of these maps, the island had various names. When the Spaniards first arrived on the island, they named it Orua, Oruba and Ouruba. Later names included Curava, Uruba, Arouba and Aruba.[84]

It is important to note that the following theories and explanations are based on limited historical information, and the true meaning and origin of the name "Aruba" may still be uncertain.

Oruba

One theory suggests that the Spaniards referred to the island as Isla de Oruba, potentially relating it to the Bay of Orubá, located in Lake Maracaibo. The Spaniards were aware of this name and applied it to the island upon hearing a name with similar sound. They knew that the same indigenous people living on Oruba also inhabited the Bay of Orubá, and shared the same customs. Over time, this name evolved into Aruba.[85] The name "Aruba" may have derived from the Indian "oruba", meaning "well located".[86][87]

Ouruba and Curaba

During the early colonial period, Aruba, Bonaire, and Curacao were considered a single entity. The order in which they were mentioned varied, but ocuments from that time treated them as a collective. Aruba and Bonaire were referred to as "islas adyacentes", or adjacent islands, of Curaçao. The initial mention of these islands occured in the content of a Royal Decree on November 24, 1525, "Real Cedula a los Oidores de Santo Domingo para que amparan a Juan de Ampues en la posecion de las islas de Curacao, Curaba (Aruba) y Buynare, que le habian" (Royal Decree to the Auditors of Santo Domingo to protect Juan de Ampues in the possession of the islands of Curacao, Curaba (Aruba), and Buynare, which had been granted to him).[88][89][90][91] However, in a document from November 15, 1526, Charles V mentioned Aruba first as "Ouruba y Curacao y Buynare que estan en comarce de la tierra firme" (Ouruba and Curacao and Buynare, which are located in the mainland region). Further references in the same letter invariably show the following order and spelling: "Corazao y Oruba y Buynare".[92]

Uruba

In a newspaper article from De Curaçaosche courant of 1835, it is mentioned that a sixteenth-century Italian historian in the service of the Spanish Crown, Petrus Martyr (also known as Pietro Martire d'Anghiera), stated that the Gulf of Darién originally named the Gulf of Urabá, which means "gulf of canoes". The term "Uru" in the language of the people of Uraba means "canoe"[93] and "ba" is a preposition meaning "of", so Uruba means "of the canoes"[94] It is suggested that Aruba could have a similar meaning.[95]

Oirubae

The name "Aruba", also spelled Oruba or Orua, is believed to have originated from the Tupí-Guaraní word Oirubae, which means "companion". This suggests that Aruba was seen as the companion of other nearby places, such as Paraguaná or Curaçao. The Carib were seafaring people and likely brought many linguistic influences to the Caribbean coast of South America and the Arawakan regions in Northwestern Venezuela. The Arawakan and Carib languages have been influenced significantly by the Tupí-Guaraní langauge (Ernst 1890 in Van Buurt & Joubert:48).[96]

In the book "Arte, y bocobulario de la lengua guarani" by Father Ruiz de Montoya, the word ñoiru/yru, is mentioned, which means "acompañado" (accompanied). When the suffix "bae", a participle meaning "-ing", is added, the resulting word is "Oirubae", meaning accompanying.[97][98]

Ora Oubao

Oruba could have some connection with the Carib word Oraoubao (Hoyer, 1938 in Van Buurt & Joubert:48). The French Dominican missionaries Breton, Labat, and Du Tertre suggest that the combination of the words ora meaning "shell" and oubao meaning "island" can be combined to form "shell island".[96]

In 1665, while on the Island of Wáitukubulí (Dominica), Breton created a French translation of an Island-Carib dictionary named Dictionnaire caraïbe-français. This dictionary is primarily composed of Arawakan words, but also includes Carib elements.[99] Within this dictionary, the term oüatabüi óra is mentioned which translates to la coquille de Lambis or Shell of Lambis.[100] While Oúbao translates to "island", the Kaliña word has expanded in meaning to also include the islands of the Antilles or Caribbean.[101]

Oro Ubo

The origin of "Aruba" has often been associated with the presence of gold on the island, mainly due to the early Spanish writings that refer to it as Orua and Oruba. Some have suggested that the latter name could be a contraction of "oro hubo" meaning "there was once gold", which led to the assumption that Aruba was a gold-rich country. However, this name would not be appropiate since there is no evidence the Spanish colonists discovered gold on the island. In fact, the absence of gold on Aruba prior to its naming can be deduced from a letter written by Juan de Ampies, Lord of Curacao, Aruba, and Bonaire, to Charles V in 1528. In the letter, Ampies informed the king that the islands under his jurisdiction had already been declared islas inútiles (usless islands) in 1513 by Admiral Diego Colon, based on received information.[102]

Arubaes

Mansur, an amateur historian, implied that "Aruba" could also have its origin in the name of the indigenous people who resided on the island, referred to as the Arubaes (Arubanas in 18th century) according to a report from 1607 (Relaciones Geográficas de Venezuela) (Diario, 1997:40–41). However, it remains unclear whether these indigenous people were the original Caquetío inhabitants of the island when the Spanish first arrived on Aruba. By 1526, when the island was initially called by its original name, "Aruba", the Caquetío people had already been deported, and those who later returned were not necessarily the original inhabitants. The subsequent inhabitants of Aruba came to be known as Arubaes and Arubanas. Therefoe, it is uncertain whether Aruba was named after the inhabitants or if the inhabitants were named after Aruba.

Arubeira

On Tuesday, November 5, 1493, Christopher Columbus sent two boats ashore on an island he named Santa María de Guadalupe (Guadeloupe). The purpose was to capture some indigenous people who could provide information about the surrounding land, including the direction and distance to Hispañola. According to accounts given by an indigenous women, it was revealed that to the south were many islands, some inhabited and uninhabited. These islands were referred to as Jaramachi, Cairoato, Huino, Buriari, Aruveira, Sixbei. Additionally, it was mentioned that the mainland was vast in size.[103]

Oroba

In a book titled "Beschrijving van het eiland Curaçao en de daar onder hoorende eilanden" [Description of the island of Curaçao and the islands belonging to it] from 1773, the island is referred to as Oroba, and it is mentioned that it also known as Oruba or Aruba. The book provides a description of Oroba's geographical location and its significance. Here is the passage from the book where Oroba is mentioned:

"Oroba is located seven or eight miles westward of Curaçao. It is smaller than Bonaire but closer to the Spanish coast. It serves a similar purpose as the previous island and provides sustenance for both the inhabitants and the slaves. It is also inhabited by some Indians, and the company maintains a Commander and a few soldiers there as well".

"We have not come across any instances where the French, in their operations against Curaçao, have paid the least attention to these two islands. Undoubtedly, they consider them not worthy of the effort required for a landing. However, both islands are still of great importance to Curaçao".[104]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Sixteenth century sources indicate that the Caiquetíos traded in, among other things, salt, canoes, tobacco, and beads.
  2. ^ A comparative archeological-ethnographic study on Neo-Indian culture in Colombia, western Venezuela, and Leeward Islands.[22]
  3. ^ The Papiamento word for agricultural land or farm land, "kunuku" (Aruba: cunucu), may have a Taino origin.[34]
  4. ^ Oliver (1989) preserved their history were largely reconstructed up to the beginning of the nineteenth century.[11]
  5. ^ A recent and in-depth historical study[45]
  6. ^ In 1816, Aruba had seven salt pans, all of which produced low-quality salt. The salt pans' production was barely sufficient for consumption. Servants, accompanied by donkeys, were sent to collect salt, which was then distributed among the residents.[52]

References

  1. ^ Rouse & Allaire 1978.
  2. ^ Alofs 2018, p. 19.
  3. ^ Versteeg & Ruiz 1995, pp. 16–17.
  4. ^ a b c Kelly & Hofman 2019.
  5. ^ Versteeg & Ruiz 1995, p. 14.
  6. ^ Haviser 2001.
  7. ^ Alofs 2018, p. 21.
  8. ^ Hofman & van Duijvenbode 2011.
  9. ^ Mol 2014, pp. 258–60.
  10. ^ a b Alofs 2018, p. 22.
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i Oliver 1989.
  12. ^ a b c Haviser 1991.
  13. ^ Rouse 1992.
  14. ^ Dijkhoff 1997.
  15. ^ Sahlins 1968.
  16. ^ Thornton 2012.
  17. ^ Alofs 2018, p. 24.
  18. ^ Oliver 1997.
  19. ^ Versteeg 1991a.
  20. ^ a b Versteeg & Ruiz 1995.
  21. ^ Boerstra 1982.
  22. ^ a b Versteeg 1997a.
  23. ^ Alofs 2018, p. 25.
  24. ^ Gatschet 1885.
  25. ^ Alofs 2018, pp. 25–26.
  26. ^ Alofs 2018, pp. 29–34.
  27. ^ Sankatsing 2016.
  28. ^ Pampaloni 1992.
  29. ^ Harley 1992.
  30. ^ Vespucci 1992, pp. 13–14.
  31. ^ Vespucci 1992, p. 174.
  32. ^ Magnaghi 1924, p. 158.
  33. ^ Andrien 2009.
  34. ^ a b Buurt & Joubert 1997.
  35. ^ Las Casas 1971, pp. 126–129, book 1, chpt. 19.
  36. ^ Las Casas 1971, pp. 161–171, book 2, chpt. 57–60.
  37. ^ Hartog 1961, pp. 47–48.
  38. ^ Goslinga 1979, p. 13.
  39. ^ Goslinga 1971, p. 267.
  40. ^ Alofs 2018, pp. 49–51.
  41. ^ Wilbert 1972.
  42. ^ Perrin 1997.
  43. ^ Debrot 2002.
  44. ^ Guerra 2018.
  45. ^ Bassi 2017.
  46. ^ Dooregeest & Posjager 1699, p. 350.
  47. ^ a b c d e f Goslinga 1979, pp. 20–25.
  48. ^ a b c d e f g Goslinga 1971, pp. 116–140.
  49. ^ a b Unger 1980, p. 255.
  50. ^ Unger 1980, p. 259.
  51. ^ Brulez 1955.
  52. ^ a b Hullu & 1923–1924, p. 374.
  53. ^ Goslinga 1971, pp. 258–283.
  54. ^ Hartog 1961, p. 46.
  55. ^ Oliver 1989, p. 54.
  56. ^ a b Rouse 1986, p. 121.
  57. ^ Noble 1965, p. 107.
  58. ^ Oliver 1989, p. 77.
  59. ^ Haviser 1991, p. 73.
  60. ^ Rouse 1986, pp. 121–123.
  61. ^ Rouse 1986, pp. 120–126.
  62. ^ Haviser 1991, p. 74.
  63. ^ Rouse 1992, p. 40.
  64. ^ Oliver 1989, pp. 177–178.
  65. ^ Federmann 1985.
  66. ^ Kinney 1970.
  67. ^ Taylor 1977, p. 82.
  68. ^ a b Oliver 1989, p. 166.
  69. ^ Oliver 1990, p. 85.
  70. ^ Arcaya 1951, p. 27.
  71. ^ a b Haviser 1987, p. 55.
  72. ^ Arcaya 1951, p. 14.
  73. ^ Jacobs & Wal 2015, p. 45.
  74. ^ Bosch 1836, p. 151.
  75. ^ "Compendio de la gramática del papiamento ó sea método para aprender á hablarlo y á escribirlo en corto tiempo".
  76. ^ Latour 1940, p. 222.
  77. ^ Martin 1887, pp. 123–124.
  78. ^ Buurt 2015, p. 24.
  79. ^ Buurt & Joubert 1997, p. 4.
  80. ^ Buurt & Joubert 1997, p. 5.
  81. ^ Versteeg & Ruiz 1995, p. 69.
  82. ^ Menkman 1942, p. 7.
  83. ^ Buurt & Joubert 1997, p. 48.
  84. ^ Hartog 1961, p. 32.
  85. ^ Hoyer 1938.
  86. ^ Goslinga 1971, p. 264.
  87. ^ De Palm 1985, p. 185.
  88. ^ Goslinga 1956, p. 175.
  89. ^ Hamelberg 1898, p. 14.
  90. ^ Anonymous 1526a.
  91. ^ Anonymous 1526b.
  92. ^ Hartog 1961, p. 28.
  93. ^ Anghiera 1912, p. 226.
  94. ^ Anonymous 1835.
  95. ^ Hartog 1961, p. 33.
  96. ^ a b Hartog 1961.
  97. ^ Ruiz de Montaya 1640.
  98. ^ Nogueira 1876.
  99. ^ Campos Reyes 2003.
  100. ^ Breton 1991, pp. 203.
  101. ^ Breton 1991, p. 294.
  102. ^ Hoyer 1938, p. 370.
  103. ^ Colón & Roman 1892.
  104. ^ Hering 1779, p. 76.

Sources

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=User:Kallmemel/sandbox&oldid=1160292563"