Turkish War of Independence

The Turkish War of Independence
Part of Wars of Independence
Anatolia as partitioned by the Treaty of Sèvres
Date May 19, 1919-October 29, 1923 Location Anatolia Result Decisive Turkish victory, Treaty of Lausanne, recognition of the Republic of Turkey, and the end of the Ottoman Empire.
Belligerents
Turkish Revolutionaries	United Kingdom Greece France Italy Armenia Georgia
Commanders and leaders
Mustafa Kemal İsmet İnönü Kazım Karabekir Ali Fuat Cebesoy Fevzi Çakmak	George Milne Henri Gouraud Papoulas Georgios Hatzianestis Drastamat Kanayan Movses Silikyan

The Turkish War of Independence (Turkish: Kurtuluş Savaşı or İstiklâl Harbi) refers to the political and military events following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire along with the Central Powers in World War I and subsequent Allied occupation of most of its territory; and the resistance to Allied terms by the Turkish National Movement centered in Anatolia, ultimately leading to the foundation of today's Republic of Turkey.

Following the surrender of the Empire, through the Treaty of Sèvres (August 1920), the Ottoman government in Istanbul was placed under control of Allied occupation forces led by the British. The Empire ceded all of its Balkan and Arab provinces to the Allies, and the eastern and southern parts of the Empire's core in Anatolia were occupied, acting on the decisions of the Paris Peace Conference (1919). In 1922, Greek forces captured Izmir and occupied western Anatolia. Prompted by the incapacity of the Istanbul government, the efforts of a nationalist resistance movement in central Anatolia culminated in the formation of a new National Assembly in Ankara, acting independent of the Ottoman government. The nation successfully mobilized its resources under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, driving out the Greek, British, French and Italian occupation forces and effectively invalidating the Treaty of Sèvres. This result was internationally recognized through the Treaty of Lausanne in July 1923, leaving Anatolia and Eastern Thrace to form their own state. This was concluded by the declaration of the Republic of Turkey in October 1923, with Ankara as its capital.

On the political front, it instituted relationships and ideas among the Turkish revolutionaries that led to the end of the millet system, and the Ottomanism of the Ottoman Empire. This was followed by Atatürk's Reforms in political, legal, cultural, social and economic fronts, defining the newly founded Turkish Republic as a modern, secular nation-state.

Precursors

Greek and French proposals during the Paris Conference (1919) concerning the partition of western Anatolia.

Zones of French and British influence and control in eastern Anatolia and Arab Peninsula established by the Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916)

Main articles: Partitioning of the Ottoman Empire and Occupation of Istanbul

With the Armistice of Mudros (Template:Lang-tr), October 30 1918, the Allies began to implement their secret agreements over the Ottoman Empire. The competing factions, with differing aims, began to appear inside Anatolia. The reshaping of the Middle East and the mandates were already in place before the Armistice of Mudros. After the armistice, the allies engaged in dismantling the Ottoman military, and began disseminating their own views, but often in competition against one another. The idea of using Bolshevism or the Mandates was first applied in the capital, and then eventually transmitted into the interior where the Turkish National Movement was forming. As a special body of the Paris Conference, "The Inter-Allied Commission on Mandates in Turkey" was established by the allies to pursue the secret treaties they had signed between 1915-1917. Among the visions, was a new Hellenic Empire (Megali Idea), based on the promise of territorial gains by British Prime Minister David Lloyd George to the Greeks. Italians sought the southern part of Anatolia (Mediterranean region) which was promised to them at St.-Jean-de-Maurienne. Under the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement, the French were expecting Hatay, Lebanon and Syria, and also desired a part of South-Eastern Anatolia. The British already had control of Arabia, Palestine, Jordan and Iraq, and were also seeking control over the straits.

Anatolia was politically fragmented. There were conflicting factions with conflicting visions, but what united the various factions was the view that the Allies' goal was the elimination of sovereignty in their homeland. This perception was the driving force binding the mainly Muslim inhabitants of Anatolia to unite. With the Occupation of Istanbul and the Ottoman state under a military occupation the country was in a state of collapse. Disunity among the allies showed when on April 24, the Italian delegation, angry about the possibility of the Greek occupation of İzmir, left the Paris Peace Conference, 1919 and did not return until May 5. The absence of the Italian delegation from the conference facilitated Lloyd George's efforts to persuade France and the United States to favour Greece’s interest over Italy's, in western Anatolia.

The Occupation of Istanbul began before the leading officers of the Ottoman Army, such as Mustafa Kemal (Nov 13 1918), Kazım Karabekir (Nov 28 1918), İsmet İnönü, and others had returned to Istanbul from their last posts. The sharing of Anatolia among the Allied governments began with the occupation of İzmir on May 15, 1919 by the Greek army. A few days later the Italians landed in Antalya. British units were in the Black Sea region to build a bridge to the Democratic Republic of Armenia.

The Ottoman government, possibly because of the Occupation of Istanbul, was too weak to enforce its own decisions or restore law and order in many areas. Resistance to this government began soon after the first dictated orders came in from allied sources. The Allies' first goal was to control all munitions and their distribution. The second goal was to disband the various small army units, by either combining them into bigger and more controllable units, or sending them home. In reaction to the policies of the Allies, many Ottoman officials organized secret Outpost Societies (Karakol Cemiyeti). The main goal of Outpost Societies was to thwart the Allied demands, both through passive and active resistance. Many Ottoman officials also did all they could to conceal the details of the movements that were spread throughout the countryside, from the occupation authorities. Small boats from the capital were sent out into the Aegean and the Black Sea. The first resistance movements in Thrace and Constantinople (Istanbul) were organized within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Since the southern rim of Anatolia was more or less under the control of British warships and competing Greek and Italian troops, the restoration of law and order had to be carried out in northern Anatolia. Central Anatolia was relatively beyond allied direct control, apart from a few British detachments and some American Committee for Relief in the Near East units. There were also remnants of the Ottoman Forces and gangs of (Ottoman) Greek or Turkish brigands. Northern Anatolia became the initial area organized under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal.

Initial organization (May 1919-March 1920)

Main article: Establishment of the Turkish national movement

See also: Malta exiles

After the armistice, the first group of some thirty former members of the CUP were arrested on January 30 1919. Mustafa Kemal's trusted friends were among them. The British had exiled them to Malta, see: Malta exiles. The verdicts on these commanders were later decided during the famous Turkish Courts-Martial of 1919-20. In the face of resistance, the sultan and his government bribed major Ottoman Pashas like Mustafa Kemal with important positions in the areas remaining under so-called "direct Ottoman authority". These places were generally not occupied by the Allied armies. The reasons for these new assignments is still a matter of conjecture; one view is that it was to support the national movement, another view was that the Sultan wanted to keep what little forces that were left under his control, a goal which was in total agreement with the aims of the occupation armies. The most prominent idea given for the Sultan’s decision was by assigning these officers out of the capital, the Sultan was trying to minimize the effectiveness of these soldiers in the capital. The Sultan was cited as saying that without an organized army, the Allies could not be defeated, and the national movement did not have any army in May 1919.

Public demonstration in İstanbul on 23 May 1919 in protest of the Occupation of İzmir, with Sultanahmet Mosque in the background. Halide Edip Adivar was on the platform

Through manipulation and the help of friends and sympathizers, Mustafa Kemal became the Inspector General of virtually all of the Ottoman forces in Anatolia, tasked with overseeing the disbanding process. He and his carefully selected staff left Constantinople (Istanbul) aboard SS Bandırma, an old steamer for Samsun on the evening of May 16, 1919. The inspector general who stepped ashore on May 19, 1919 set up his quarters in the Mintika Palace Hotel. He made the people of Samsun aware of the Greek and Italian landings, staged mass meetings (whilst remaining discreet) and made, thanks to the excellent telegraph network, fast connections with the army units in Anatolia. He started to form links between various nationalist groups. He sent telegrams of protest to foreign embassies and the War Ministry about British reinforcements in the area and about British aid to Greek brigand gangs. After a week in Samsun, Mustafa Kemal and his staff moved to Havza, about 85 kilometers inland.

Mustafa Kemal needed national support. The importance of his position, and his status as a hero after the Battle of Gallipoli, gave him some credentials. On the other hand, this was not enough to inspire everyone. While officially occupied with the disarming of the army, he had increased his various contacts in order to build his movement's momentum. He met with Rauf Orbay, Ali Fuat Cebesoy, and Refet Bele on June 21, 1919.

Decoding Mustafa Kemal, June 1919

The British were alarmed when they learned that Mustafa Kemal had become Inspector General, and his actions during this period didn't make them feel very secure. Mustafa Kemal was coded as a minor thorn. A British detachment entered and search for documents in his mother's house. Britain urged the Sultan to recall Kemal. Thanks to friends and sympathizers in government circles, a compromise was worked out whereby the power of the Inspector General was curbed. As a result, Inspector General became a title that had no power, at least on paper. On June 23 High Commissioner Admiral Cathrope, realizing the significance of Mustafa Kemal's discreet activities in Anatolia, sent a report about Kemal to the Foreign Office. His remarks were down played by George Kidson of the Eastern Department. Captain Hurst (British army) in Samsun warned Cathrope one more time, but Hurst's units were replaced with a Brigade of Gurkhas. The movement of British units alarmed the population of the region and convinced the population that Mustafa Kemal was right. Right after this "The Association for Defense of National Rights" (Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti) was founded in Trabzon, and a parallel association in Samsun was also founded, which declared the Black sea region was not safe. The same activities that happened during the Occupation of İzmir were happening in the region.

The Ottoman War Minister Damat Ferid Pasha ordered Refet Bele and Mustafa Kemal to work on reducing the tensions among the Muslim Black Sea population. Ferit Pasha promised that the British would not take any action against them. Mustafa Kemal said to his close friends "Ferit Pasha does not understand the realities of the region, he should resign for the benefit of the Empire".

On 2 July in Erzincan, Kemal received a telegram from the Sultan himself. The Sultan asked him to cease his activities in Anatolia and return to the capital. Mustafa Kemal did not want to return to Istanbul. Fearing that the foreign authorities might have designs for him beyond the Sultan's plans, he felt the best course for him was to take a two month leave of absence.

Representational problem, October 1919

Ali Riza Pasha sent a navy minister Hulusi Salih Pasha, who had not been in World War I, to negotiate with the Turkish National Movement. Salih Pasha and Mustafa Kemal met in Amasya on October 16 1919. Mustafa Kemal put the representational problems of Ottoman Parliament on the agenda. Kemal wanted to have a signed protocol between Ali Riza Pasha and the "representative committee" of the Sivas Congress. On the advice of the British, Ali Riza Pasha rejected any form of recognition or legitimacy claims by this unconstitutional political formation in Anatolia.

In December 1919, fresh elections were held for the Ottoman parliament in Istanbul in an attempt to build a better representative structure and reassert the central government's claims of legitimacy in response to the emerging nationalist movement in Anatolia. In the meantime, groups of Ottoman Greeks, had formed Greek nationalist militias within Ottoman borders and were acting on their own. Greek members of the Ottoman parliament repeatedly blocked any progress in the parliament, and most Greek subjects of the Sultan boycotted the new elections.

The elections were held and a new parliament of the Ottoman State was formed under the Armistice of Mudros. However, Ali Riza Pasha was too hasty in thinking that his parliament could bring him legitimacy. The house of the parliament was under the shadow of the British battalion stationed at Istanbul. Any decisions by the parliament had to have the signatures of both Ali Riza Pasha and the commanding British Officer. The freedom of the new government was limited. It did not take too long for the members of parliament to recognize that any kind of integrity was not possible in this situation. Ali Riza Pasha and his government had become the voice of the Triple Entente. The only laws that passed were those acceptable to, or specifically ordered by the British.

Allies shift from de facto to de jure occupation, February 1920

File:Ataturk-occupation of Istanbul execution of prisoners.png

Execution performed by British Forces during Occupation of Istanbul

The national movement prompted the British government to take a very important step. A step that brought these parties face to face. To put an end to this situation the major allied power, Britain, said "If the Ottomans wouldn't do it, we would". If the Allies could not control Anatolia, they could at least control Istanbul. The plan was to step by step dismantle every organization beginning from Istanbul and move deep into Anatolia (British Move). The main problem being the opposition from Mustafa Kemal's national movement. The British Foreign Office was asked to devise a plan to ease this path. That was the only way that Christians could be safe said the British government. The political side of this decision was solidified under the Treaty of Sèvres. Anatolia was to be westernized under Christian government. The Treaty of Sèvres placed most of Anatolia under Christian control. This policy of breaking down the authority by separating the Sultan, its government, and opposing Christians to Muslims (for British Intelligence Turkish national movement was registered as Muslim population of Anatolia). The Foreign Office developed the same plan they used during the Arab revolt, but this time the resources were channeled to warlords like Ahmet Anzavur. The details of these covert operations will be correctly summarized under the title Jurisdictional Conflict.

On the night of March 15 British troops began to occupy key buildings and arrest Turkish nationalists. It was a very messy operation. The 10th division and military music school resisted the arrest. At least 10 students died under the gunfire of the British Indian army. The total death toll is unknown even today. Mustafa Kemal was ready for this move. He warned all the nationalist organizations that there would be misleading declarations from the capital. He warned that the only way to stop the British was to organize protests. He said "Today the Turkish nation is called to defend its capacity for civilization, its right to life and independence - its entire future. Mustafa Kemal was extensively familiar with the Arab Revolt and British involvement. He managed to stay one step ahead of the British Foreign Office. His abilities over covert British operations gave Mustafa Kemal a big credential among the revolutionaries.

On March 18 the Ottoman parliament met. The parliament sent a protest to allies. Remind them that it is unacceptable to arrest five of its members. It was end of the Ottoman Political system. This move had left Sultan as sole controller of the Empire and pushed him to corner with the British. Beginning with March 18 the Sultan become the puppet of the British foreign department. There would be no one left to blame for what will be coming soon, said the Sultan. Parliament will have one more session in the future, which they will be reading a text edited by Mustafa Kemal.

Jurisdictional Conflict (March 1920 - March 1922)

File:Genckiz.jpg

Efforts for Independence

The new government, hoping to undermine the national movement, passed a fatwa (legal opinion) from Şeyhülislam. The fatwa stated that true believers should not go along with the nationalist (rebels) movement. Along with this religious decree, the government sentenced Mustafa Kemal and prominent nationalists to death in absentia. At the same time, the müfti of Ankara, in defense of the nationalist movement, issued a counteracting fatwa declaring that the capital was under the control of the Entente and the Ferit Pasha government. In this text, nationalist movement's goal was stated as freeing the sultan and Caliphate from its enemies.

Dissolution of the Ottoman parliament, March 1920

Mustafa Kemal expected the Allies neither to accept the Harbord report nor to respect his parliamentary immunity if he went to the Ottoman capital, hence he remained in Anatolia. One thing he did was moving the Representative Committee's capital from Erzurum to Ankara so that he could keep in touch with as many deputies as possible as they traveled to Istanbul to attend the parliament. He also started a newspaper, the Hakimiyet-i Milliye (National Sovereignty), to speak for the movement both in Turkey and the outside world (January 10, 1920).

On January 12, 1920 the last Ottoman Chamber of Deputies met in the capital. First the sultan’s speech was presented and then a telegram from Mustafa Kemal, manifesting the claim that the rightful government of Turkey being in Ankara in the name of the Representative Committee. The British began to sense that something had been flourishing that they did not want. The Ottoman government was not doing what it could to suppress the nationalists. Brits to capture the control of the movement, secured the departments of both the minister of war and the chief of the general staff. Chief of the general staff was Fevzi Çakmak. He was an able and relatively conservative officer who was known as one of the army’s oldest field leaders and who soon was become one of the principal military leaders of the national movement. On January 28 the deputies met secretly. Proposals were made to elect Mustafa Kemal president of the Chamber, but this was deferred in the certain knowledge that the British would prorogue the Chamber before it could do what has been planned all along, namely accept the declaration of the Sivas Congress.

Mustafa Kemal declared that the only legal government of Turkey was the Representative Committee in Ankara and that all civilian and military officials were to obey it rather than the government in Istanbul. This argument gained very strong support, as by that time the fact of the Ottoman Parliament being fully under the Allied control had been established.

Declaration of the national parliament, April 1920

The strong measures taken against the nationalists by the Ottoman government created a distinct new phase. For the first time the nationalists claimed the sole right to rule. However, Mustafa Kemal appealed to the entire Islamic world asking for help against the infidel to make sure that everyone knew he was still fighting in the name of the sultan. He stated he wanted to rescue him from the Allies. Plans were made to organize a new government and parliament in Ankara, and then ask the sultan to accept its authority.

A flood of supporters moved to Ankara just ahead of the Allied dragnets. Included among them were Halide Edip, her husband, Adnan Adıvar, İsmet İnönü, Kemal’s most important allies in the Ministry of War, and the last president of the Chamber of Deputies, Celaleddin Arif.

The latter's desertion of the capital was of great significance. As the legally elected president of the Ottoman Parliament, his claim that it had been dissolved illegally, in violation of the Constitution, enabled Kemal to assume full governmental powers for the Ankara regime. On March 1920, he announced that the Turkish nation was establishing its own Parliament in Ankara under the name Grand National Assembly.

Some 100 members of the Ottoman Parliament were able to escape the Allied roundup and joined 190 deputies elected around the country by the national resistance group. On April 23, 1920, the new Assembly gathered for the first time, making Mustafe Kemal its first president and Ismet Inonü, now deputy from Edirne, chief of the General Staff. The new regime’s determination to revolt against the government in the capital and not the Sultan was quickly made evident.

Armed conflicts

The organization of an army was a fight against Ottomans (imperial government), feudal lords (tribes) and minorities. All these sources were in a power struggle for the control of the area. The riots have to be analyzed based on which power supported the activities of riots, such as moving guns and ammunitions to the rioters, giving them sources to finance the activities. This kind of analysis would show us the power disputes among the local landlords were behind the religious rhetoric of these riots. The allies were using very effectively the local power sources against each other, such as they did during the Arab Revolt.

Theatres (east-west-south-black sea) of the war sections explain the conflicts that the "National Army" had engaged. Most of the conflicts of national army extend on the initial resistant groups developed regionally, as explained under "Localized resistance". Some of these regional groups integrated into the command structure of the national army.

National militias

Further information: Revolts (Turkish War of Independence)

Nationalist Millitias.

The resistance against the Allied occupation consisted of various groups who claimed to be nationalist or partisan. But the Sultan was right in his conclusion that these patriotic movements were useless. Each one would end up fighting the other for what was left of Turkey. The Allies could not be defeated in the long term without an organized army. The accomplishments of Nationalist Militias would be temporary. Mustafa Kemal had to persuade Nationalist Militias to form a single command structure.

Early pressure on nationals, April-June 1920

Further information: Revolt of Ahmet Aznavur

Anatolia had many forces on its soil. British battalions, Ahmet Aznavur forces, Sultans army Kuva-i Inzibatiye (Disciplinary forces) and so on. However these forces were apart of a coordinated effort in the fight against the nationalists.

The British being skeptical of how formidable these insurgents were, decided to use irregular power to counter act this rebellion. The nationalist forces were distributed all around Turkey, so many small units were dispatched to face them. In İzmit there were two battalions of the British army. Their commanders were living inside the Ottoman warship Yavuz. These units were to be used to rout the partisans under the command of Ali Fuat Cebesoy and Refet Bele. The Sultan gave 4,000 soldiers from his Kuva-i Inzibatiye. Then using money from the Allies, he raised another army, a force about 2000 strong from non-Muslim inhabitants which were initially deployed in Nicaea. All these forces were united under British command.

Both sides faced each other in a pitched battle near Izmit on June 14 1920. Ahmet Aznavur's forces along with British units outnumbered the militias. Yet under heavy attack some of the Kuva-i Inzibatiye deserted and joined the opposing ranks. This revealed the Sultan did not have the unwavering support of his men. Meanwhile the rest of these forces withdrew behind the British lines which held.

The clash outside İzmit brought serious consequences. The British forces opened fire on the nationalists and bombed them from the air. This bombing forced a retreat but there was a panic in Istanbul. The British commander General George Milne, asked for reinforcements. This initiated a chain reaction to determine what was required to handle the Turkish nationalists. Marshal Ferdinand Foch signed the investigative report on the matter. The report ended with the summation that twenty seven divisions would be sufficient. British army did not have twenty seven divisions to spare. Also a deployment this size could have disastrous political consequences. The Great War had just ended and the public back home would not support another lengthy and costly expedition.

The British did accept the fact that a nationalist movement can not be faced without deployment of consistent and well trained forces. On June 25 the forces originating from Kuva-i Inzibatiye were dismantled under British supervision. The official stance was that there was no use for them. British realized the best option to overcome these Turkish nationlists, was to use a force which was battle-tested and fierce enough to fight the Turks on their own soil. The British had to look no further than Turkey's neighbor - Greece.

Establishment of a Turkish army, July 1920

Before the Amasya Agreement, Mustafa Kemal met with a Bolshevik delegation headed by Colonel Semyon Budyonny. The Bolsheviks wanted to annex the parts of the Caucasus, including Democratic Republic of Armenia, which were formerly part of Czarist Russia. They also saw a Turkish Republic as a buffer state or possibly a communist ally. Kemal's official response was "Such questions had to be postponed until Turkish independence was achieved." Having this support was important for the national movement.

The first objective was the securing of arms from abroad. They obtained these primarily from the Soviet Union, but also Italy and France. These arms, especially the Soviet weapons, allowed the Turks to organize an effective army. The Kemalist Turks enjoyed significant Soviet support, as both countries collaborated to destroy the fledgling Armenian Republic. On August 4th, Turkey's representative in Moscow, Riza Nur, sent a telegram saying that soon 60 Krupp artillery pieces, 30,000 shells, 700,000 grenades, 10,000 mines, 60,000 Romanian swords, 1.5 million captured Ottoman rifles, 1 million Russian rifles, 1 million Manlicher rifles, as well as some more modern Martini-Henry rifles and 25,000 bayonets would be in the possession of the Turkish nationalists.

The Turks also received significant arms from Italy and France, who threw in their lot with the Kemalist against Greece which was seen as a British client. The Italians used their base in Antalya to arm and train Turkish troops to assist the Kemalists against the Greeks.

Conflicts in the East

Further information: Democratic Republic of Armenia

Before the Armistice of Mudros the border of the Democratic Republic of Armenia was defined with Brest-Litovsk and Treaty of Batum, after the Bolshevik revolution during 1918. With the end of the World War I, it was obvious that the eastern border was not going to stay as it had been. There were talks going on with the Armenian Diaspora and Entente on reshaping the border. The Fourteen Points was seen as an incentive to Democratic Republic of Armenia, if Armenians could prove that they were the majority of the population and that they had military control over the eastern regions. The Armenian movements on the borders were being used as an argument to redraw the border between Ottoman Empire and Armenian Republic. Woodrow Wilson agreed to transfer the territories back to the Democratic Republic of Armenia as given the ideas that they are dominantly controlled by Armenians. The results of these talks were to be reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres that was signed by Ottoman Empire.

One of the most important fights had taken place on this border. The very early onset of national army was the proof of this, even though there was a pressing Greek danger on the west. There was also a movement of Armenians from southeast with the French support, as the French created an Armenian army to support their claims to Cilicia. The general idea at that time was to integrate Armenian Republic to the French supported southeast Armenian movement. This way Armenian Republic could gain much sought resources to balance the Bolshevik expansionist movements.

The stage of the east campaign is developed through two reports (May 30 to June 4, 1920) outlining the situation in the region by Kâzım Karabekir Pasha. He was detailing the activities of the Armenian Republic and advising on how to shape the sources at the eastern borders, especially in Erzurum.

Before the stage was set by Kazım Karabekir Pasha on the east border, Russian government sent a message to settle not only the Democratic Republic of Armenia but also Iranian border through diplomacy under Russian control. The Soviet support was absolutely vital for the Turkish nationalist movement, as Turkey was underdeveloped and had no domestic armaments industry. Bakir Sami Bey was assigned for the talks. Bolsheviks demanded Van and Bitlis to Armenia. This was unacceptable to the Turkish revolutionaries. Revolutionaries were also faced with another dilemma, their hesitation to move forces to prevent the Armenian raids was causing a growing unsettlement among the Turks. The Greek threat and diplomatic connections needed to be balanced.

Active stage

Before more diplomatic exchanges took place, to show a sign of power on the discussion table, Armenia moved its forces to Oltu. This killed the discussions with Russian government and in a couple of days the Treaty of Sèvres was signed by Ottoman Empire. This was followed by occupation of Artvin by Georgian forces on 25 July.

Further information: Turkish-Armenian War

Resolution

The arms left by the defeated Armenian forces were sent to the west to develop the resistance to the Greeks.

The results of Armenian activities reflected on the Treaty of Sèvres. But as this treaty had never gained effect and the Ottoman Empire was dissolved through activities of Turkish National Movement, Armenian efforts in this region was unfulfilled.

Turkish movement against the Armenian forces were coordinated with Bolsheviks. Bolsheviks conquered Azerbaijan while the Armenians were fighting with revolutionnaries. It is only after the peace agreement was reached (Treaty of Alexandropol) that they moved into Yerevan. Armenian Republic was not eliminated by the Turkish revolutionaries, whom Armenians could no longer threaten after being defeated. It is also possible to claim that had Armenian Republic been content with the boundaries as of 1919, she could have shown more resistance to the Bolshevik conquest, both internally and externally.

Soon after the Bolsheviks and nationalists signed another agreement March 16, 1921, Treaty of Kars. Nationalists agreed to cede Nachicevan and Batum. In response they received support and gold. For the promised resources nationalist had to wait until the Battle of Sakarya.

Further information: Treaty of Kars

Conflicts in the West

Main article: Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922)

The war arose because the western Allies, particularly British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, had promised Greece territorial gains at the expense of the Ottoman Empire if Greece entered the war on the Allied side. These included Eastern Thrace, the islands of Gökçeada (Imbros) and Bozcaada (Tenedos), and parts of Western Anatolia around the city of İzmir (Smyrna). Greece wanted to occupy Constantinople, the historical capital of the Byzantine Empire, to achieve the Megali Idea, but Entente powers did not give permission.

It was decided by the Triple Entente that Greece would occupy a zone around İzmir (Smyrna) and Ayvalık in western Asia Minor. The reason for these landings were prior Italian landings on the southern coast of Turkey, including in the city of Antalya. The Allies worried about further Italian expansion and saw Greek landings as a way to avoid this.

Active stage

The fight against Greeks began much earlier than any other front. On May 28, Greeks landed on Ayvalık. It was no surprise that this small town was chosen as this town was the Greek speaking strong hold. The problem with this move was Greeks did not consider what happened beginning with Balkan Wars. They pushed out the Turkish inhabitants with their extending boarders. A big migrated population (mainly from Crete) was settled in this area. Under an old Ottoman Lieutenant Colonel Ali Çetinkaya, these people formed a unit. They were very determined to fight against what they consider invading army as there was no other place that they can be pushed. Greek troops first met with these irregulars. Later, these units would join to the ranks of an organized army. What Greeks called as harassment was initiated with these irregulars. Mustafa Kemal asked Rauf Orbay if he can help to build a communication among Ali Çetinkaya, Resit, Tevif and Ethem. Resit, Tevif and Ethem were Circassian origins who were expelled from their ancestral lands in the Caucasus by the Russians and Armenians. They were settled around the Aegean coast. Rauf Orbay, an Circassian origin, managed to link these two population. He asked them to cut the logistic support lines.

Allied decision to let Greek landing in Smyrna was due to earlier Italian lands at Antalya. Faced with Italian annexation of parts of Asia Minor with a significant ethnic Greek population, Venizelos secured Allied permission for Greek troops to land in Smyrna, ostensibly in order to protect the civilian population from turmoil. Turks claim that Venizelos wanted to create a homogeneous Greek settlement to be able to annex it to Greece, but his statements indicated that the Greeks were in Smyrna to protect the locals:"Greece is not making war against Islam, but against the anachronistic Ottoman Government, and its corrupt, ignominious, and bloody administration, with a view to the expelling it from those territories where the majority of the population consists of Greeks." Greek territorial ambitions and claims at this time contradict this statement.

As soon as Greek forces landed in Smyrna, a Turkish nationalist opened fire prompting brutal reprisals. Greek forces used this as a base for launching attacks deeper into Turkey. Atatürk refused to accept even a temporary Greek presence in Smyrna. Eventually the Turkish revolutionaries would push the Greeks out of Smyrna.

Resolution

Mustafa Kemal in İzmir

With the borders secured with treaties and agreements at east and south, Kemal was now in a commanding position. The Nationals were then able to insist that unconditionally, the Greeks evacuate east Thrace, Imbros and Tenedos as well as Asia Minor, and the Meriç River to be set as the border at Thrace at its pre-1914 position.

France, Italy and Britain called Mustafa Kemal to Venice for cease-fire negotiations. In return, Mustafa Kemal demanded negotiations be started at Mudanya. Negotiations at Mudanya began on October 3, and it was concluded with the Mudanya Armistice.

Conflicts in the south

Main article: Franco-Turkish War

French wanted to settle in Syria. With a pressure against French, Cilicia would be easily left to nationalist. The Taurus Mountains were critical for Mustafa Kemal. French soldiers were foreign to the region and they were using Armenian militia to acquire their intelligence. Turkish nationals had been in cooperation with Arab tribes in this area. Within time Mustafa Kemal said "French army will leave the region". If compared to Greek threat, they were the second for Mustafa Kemal. He proposed that if the Greek threat could be disseminated, French would not resist. His insights all come through.

Soldiers on the way back.

The resistance of the national forces was a big surprise to France. They blamed the British forces which did not curb the resistance power of the local sources. The strategic goal of opening a front at the south by moving Armenians against the Turkish National forces was a failure after the defeat of the Greek-British forces on the west. Use of armed local Armenians in the region against the Turkish National forces turned out to be a failure. Most of the Armenians in this region had to migrate alongside the French army. Even though most of the fight was organized alongside the Armenian sources, the loss of French soldiers did generate a large disapproval in France, which tried to mend the results of the continental wars. France asked 1,500,000 gold coins from the Turkish National Government (Mustafa Kemal) for their loss, which was clearly denied.

Stage for Peace (March 1922- April 1923)

The first communication between the sides were during the Conference of London. It was a failure. The stage for peace begins with the recognition of the Entente for a need to make an arrangement with the Turkish nationalists. In 1922, the nationalists already settled their eastern boarders with Soviet Republic and they were ready to push west and south.

Atrocities

There were widespread atrocities committed during the Turkish War of Independence by the Greek army of occupation, Turkish nationalist forces and Armenian forces.

According to Turkish historians and some foreign observers the Greek army massacred or expelled many Turks under its control. Arnold J. Toynbee asserted that there was organised atrocities since the time of the Greek occupation of Smyrna and large scale atrocities of Turkish civilian population had started since June 1921 all over the Greek occupied territories.

The Turkish nationalist forces also killed numerous Greek and Armenian civilians. The British historian and journalist, Arnold J. Toynbee, stated that when he toured the region he saw Greek villages that had been burned to the ground. Furthermore, Toynbee stated that the Turkish troops had clearly, individually and deliberately burned down each house. It has also been claimed that there was a significant continuity between the organizers of the massacres of 1915-1917 and of 1919-1921 in Eastern Anatolia In the East the advancing Turkish battalions devastated the area and reportedly committed massacres against the civilian Armenian population that did not have time or willingness to leave their homes. After the Turks captured the city of Merdeniq, Armenians launched pogroms against local Muslims in Yerevan and Kars in response.

Many Turkish villages in Western Asia Minor were also burned by the retreating Greek army, in what was a Greek scorched earth policy.

Conference of London, March 1921

Further information: Conference of London

Triple Entente through a series of conferences in London forced the Turkish Revolutionaries to agree with the Istanbul government to salvage the Treaty of Sèvres which was signed the treaty. Both stages were failures. However, the conference of London gave Triple Entente an opportunity to reverse their policies. In October, they received a report by Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol, set up to inquire into the bloodshed during the Occupation of Izmir and following activities. The commssion reported that if annexation will not fallow Greece should not be the only occupation force in this area. Admiral Bristol was not so sure how to explain this annexation to Woodrow Wilson as he would insist on 'respect for nationalities' in Fourteen Points. He believed that the sentiments of the Turks 'will never accept this annexation'.

The Conference of London or the Admiral Mark Lambert Bristol report did not change the Triple Entente's plan. February 12 1921 Triple Entente decided in annexation of the Eagean cost to Greeks. This decision followed with the Greek offensive. General Milne advised the opposite to David Lloyd George as his officer on the ground. David Lloyd George acted with his sentiments that were developed during Battle of Gallipoli.

Conference of London was a failure as a medium to persuade Turkish revolutionaries to accept Treaty of Sèvres.

Armistice of Mudanya, October 1922

Further information: Armistice of Mudanya

The Marmara sea resort town of Mudanya host the conference to arrange the armistice on October 3, 1922. Ismet Inonü, commander of the western armies was in front of Allies. The scene was unlike Mondros as the British and the Greeks were on the defense. Greeks were represented by the Allies.

The British still expected Ankara, Grand National Assembly, to make concessions. From the first speech, the British were startled as Ankara demanded fulfillment of the National Pact. During the conference the British troops in Constantinople were preparing for a Kemalist attack. There was never any fighting in Thrace, as Greek units withdrew before the Turks crossed the straits, remaining in Asia Minor. The Greeks were willing to give up Eastern Thrace as its population was mostly Turks, Christian Bulgarians and Pomaks, and its only use served as a corridor to Constantinople, and it was now clear that the city would remain in Turkish hands. The only concession that Ismet made to the British was an agreement that his troops would not advance any farther toward the Dardanelles, which gave a safe haven for the British troops as long as the conference continued. The conference dragged on far beyond the original expectations. In the end it was the British who had to yield, with the Ankara's advances.

The Armistice of Mudanya was signed on October 11. By its terms the Greek army would move west of the Maritsa, clearing the Thrace to the Allies. This was a method that started an end to hostilities. The famous American author Ernest Hemingway was in Thrace at the time, and he covered the retreat of the time. He has several short stories written about Thrace and Smyrna, which appear in his book In Our Time. The agreement came into force starting October 15. Allied forces would stay in Thrace for a month to assure law and order. In return Ankara would recognize continued British occupation of the Straits zones until the final treaty was signed. This arrangement included also Constantinople, which thus would have to wait a little while longer to be seized by Turkish forces.

Refet Bele was assigned to recovery of Thrace from Allies. He was the first representative to reach the old capital. The British did not allow the hundred gendarmes who came with him. That resistance lasted till the next day.

Conference of Lausanne, November 1922

Further information: Conference of Lausanne

Treaty of Lausanne, July 1923

Further information: Treaty of Lausanne

See also

• Aftermath of World War I
• Chronology of the Turkish War of Independence
• Chanak Affair