Thaksin Shinawatra

Thaksin Shinawatra ทักษิณ ชินวัตร
23rd Prime Minister of Thailand
In office 9 February 2001 – 19 September 2006
Preceded by	Chuan Leekpai
Succeeded by	Surayud Chulanont
Personal details
Born	July 26, 1949 San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai
Nationality	Thai
Political party	Thai Rak Thai (formerly)
Spouse	Potjaman Shinawatra

(Template:Lang-th, IPA: [tʰáksǐn tɕʰinnawát]; born July 26, 1949 in Chiang Mai, Thailand), Thai businessman and politician, is the deposed Prime Minister of Thailand and the former leader of the populist Thai Rak Thai party. He is married to Potjaman Shinawatra, and has one son, Panthongtae and two daughters.

Thaksin started his career in the Thai Police, and later became a successful entrepreneur, establishing Shin Corporation and Advanced Info Service, the largest mobile phone operator in Thailand. He became one of the richest people in Thailand. Thaksin entered politics by joining the Phalang Dharma Party in 1994, and later founded the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party in 1998. After a landslide election victory in 2001, he became Prime Minister of Thailand.

Thaksin's distinctive economic, public health, education, energy, drug, politics, and international relations policies made him the first elected Prime Minister in Thai history to complete his term in office, and helped him win a landslide re-election in 2005. Thaksin's policies were particularly effective at alleviating rural poverty (poverty fell by half in 5 years) and at increasing access to affordable health care. His main support base has been the rural poor. Under his government, Thailand's standing on major indices of corruption improved substantially.

However, his government has been frequently challenged with allegations of corruption, dictatorship, demagogy, treason, conflicts of interest, human rights offenses, acting undiplomatically, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards a free press. A controversial leader, he has also been the target of allegations of lèse-majesté, selling national assets to international investors, and religious desecration. He has been subject to several alleged assassination attempts.

On 19 September 2006, a military junta overthrew his government in a bloodless coup. The junta warned him against returning to Thailand. His diplomatic passport was revoked after the junta accused him of engaging in political activities while in exile. Thai embassies were ordered not to facilitate his travels, and all mention of him on Thai television has been censored. His political future is uncertain.

Family background

Thaksin's great-grandfather Seng Sae Khu (surname 邱）was a Hakka Chinese immigrant from Meizhou, Guangdong who arrived in Siam in the 1860s and settled in Chiang Mai in 1908. His eldest son, Chiang Sae Khu, was born in Chanthaburi in 1890 and married a Thai woman, called Saeng Somna. Chiang's eldest son, Sak, adopted the Thai surname Shinawatra ("does good routinely") in 1938 because of the country's anti-Chinese movement and the rest of the family also adopted it.

Thaksin's father, Lert, was born in Chiang Mai in 1919 and married Yindi Ramingwong. In 1968, Lert Shinawatra entered politics and became an MP for Chiang Mai and deputy leader of the now-defunct Liberal party. Lert Shinawatra quit politics in 1976.

Thaksin's great-grandfather Seng Sae Khu made his fortune through tax farming. The Khu/Shinawatra later founded Shinawatra Silks and then by moving into finance, construction and property development. Lert Shinawatra opened a coffee shop, grew oranges and flowers in Chiang Mai's San Kamphaeng district, and opened two movie theatres, a gas station, and a car and motorcycle dealership. By the time Thaksin was born, the Shinawatra family was one of the richest and most influential families in Chiang Mai.

Early life

Thaksin was born in San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai. As a young boy, Thaksin helped his father brew and serve coffee. Thaksin grew up in the village of Sankamphaeng until he was 15, after which he moved to Chiang Mai city to study at Montfort College. At 16, he helped run one of his father's cinemas.

Police career

Thaksin attended the 10th class of the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School. He then attended the Thai Police Cadet Academy and upon graduation, he joined the Royal Thai Police Department in 1973. He later went on to obtain a master's degree in criminal justice from Eastern Kentucky University in the United States, in 1975. In 1978 he received a doctorate in criminal justice at Sam Houston State University in Texas with a dissertation on "An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Criminal Justice Educational Process and the Attitude of the Student Toward the Rule of Law." Returning to Thailand, he reached the position of Deputy Superintendent of the Policy and Planning Sub-division, General Staff Division, Metropolitan Police Bureau. He married Potjaman Damapong, the daughter of a police general, in 1980. Thaksin quit the police force in 1987, having ascended to the rank of a Lieutenant-Colonel.

Business career

Thaksin and his wife ventured into several businesses while Thaksin was still in the police force. These included opening a silk shop, opening a movie theatre, and developing an apartment building. All of these ventures were failures, and left him over 50 million Baht in debt. He established ICSI in 1982, which leased computers to government agencies and was a modest success. However, later ventures in security systems (SOS) and public bus radio services (Bus Sound) were failures. In April 1986, he founded Advanced Info Service (AIS), which started off as a computer rental business.

In 1987, after resigning from the police force, he marketed a Thai romance drama called "Baan Sai Thong", which became a popular success in theaters. In 1988 he joined with Pacific Telesis to operate and market the PacLink pager service, which was a modest success, although Thaksin later sold out his stake in PacLink to establish his own paging company. In 1989 Thaksin launched IBC, a cable television company, which lost money and was later acquired by the CP Group's UTV. In 1989, Thaksin established a data networking service, Shinawatra DataCom, which was a failure. It is today known as Advanced Data Network, and is owned by AIS and the TOT.

In October 1990, Advanced Info Service launched analog mobile phone services after receiving a concession from the Telephone Organization of Thailand. AIS was listed on the Stock Exchange of Thailand in November 1991. AIS became the largest mobile phone operator in Thailand.

The Shinawatra Computer and Communications Group was founded in 1987 and listed in The Stock Exchange of Thailand in 1990.

In 1990, Thaksin founded Shinawatra Satellite, which has developed and operated a total of four Thaicom satellites.

In 2000, Thaksin acquired the ailing iTV television station from the Crown Property Bureau, Nation Multimedia Group, and Siam Commercial Bank.

Entry into politics

Political debut as Foreign Minister in the first Chuan government

Thaksin entered politics in late 1994 under the invitation of Chamlong Srimuang, who had just reclaimed the position of Palang Dharma Party (PDP) leader from Boonchu Rojanastien. In a subsequent purge of Boonchu-affiliated PDP Cabinet ministers, Thaksin was appointed Foreign Minister in December 1994, replacing Prasong Soonsiri.

The PDP soon withdrew from the government over the Sor Por Kor 4-01 land reform corruption scandal, causing the government of Chuan Leekpai to collapse.

PDP leader and Deputy Prime Minister in the Banharn government

Chamlong, strongly criticized for mishandling internal PDP politics in the last days of the Chuan-government, retired from politics and hand-picked Thaksin as new PDP leader. Thaksin ran for election for the first time in July 1995, winning a parliamentary seat from Bangkok. However, the weakened and internally divided PDP won only 23 seats, compared to 46 in the 1992 elections.

Thaksin joined the government of Banharn Silpa-acha and was appointed Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Bangkok traffic. In May 1996, Thaksin and 4 other PDP ministers quit the Banharn Cabinet (while retaining their MP seats) to protest widespread allegations of corruption, prompting a Cabinet reshuffle. Many have claimed that Thaksin's move was designed to help give Chamlong Srimuang a boost in the June 1996 Bangkok Governor elections, which Chamlong returned from retirement to contest. Chamlong lost the election - he and incumbent Governor former PDP-member Krisda Arunwongse na Ayudhya were defeated by Pichit Rattakul, an independent.

Chamlong's failure to buttress the PDP's failing power base in Bangkok amplified internal divisions in the PDP, particularly between Chamlong's "temple" faction and Thaksin's faction. Soon afterwards, Chamlong announced he was retiring again from politics.

Thaksin and the PDP pulled out of the Banharn-government in August 1996. In a subsequent no-confidence debate, the PDP gave evidence against the Banharn government. Soon afterwards, Banharn dissolved Parliament in September 1996.

Fall of the PDP

Thaksin announced that he would not run in the subsequent November 1996 elections, but would remain as leader of the PDP. He claimed that he wanted to devote his energies to campaigning for political reform and supporting other PDP candidates. Some speculated that Thaksin wanted to resign from the party leadership. The PDP suffered a fatal defeat in the elections, winning only 1 seat in Parliament. The PDP soon imploded, with most members resigning. However, the PDP is still in existence, with a different leadership and an insignificant presence in the political sphere.

Although there was much controversy about the root causes of the fall of the PDP, most agree that it was due to internal divisions in the party. Particularly divisive were conflicts between the Chamlong "temple" faction and subsequent generations of outsiders, including Thaksin.

Deputy Prime Minister in the Chavalit government

On 15 August 1997, Thaksin was invited to become Deputy Prime Minister in Chavalit Yongchaiyudh's government. This occurred soon after the Thai Baht was floated and devalued in 2 July 1997, sparking the Asian Financial Crisis. Thaksin held this position for only 3 months, leaving on November 14 after Chavalit resigned.

During an unsuccessful censure debate on 27 September 1997, Democrat Suthep Thaugsuban accused Thaksin of profiting on insider information about the government's decision to float the Baht. However, this accusation was not investigated during the subsequent Democrat or TRT governments During 1997, Thaksin's flagship company AIS suffered 1.8 billion THB in foreign exchange losses and saw its debt more than double due to the devaluation. However, critics have alleged that Thaksin's businesses suffered much less from the devaluation than rival companies.

Formation of the Thai Rak Thai Party and the 2001 elections

Thaksin founded the Thai Rak Thai ("Thais Love Thais" - TRT) party in 1998 along with Somkid Jatusripitak, PDP ally Sudarat Keyuraphan, Purachai Piumsombun, and 19 others.

With a populist platform often attributed to Somkid, TRT promised universal access to healthcare, a 3-year debt moratorium for farmers, and 1 million THB locally-managed development funds for all Thai villages.

After Prime Minister Chuan dissolved parliament in November 2000, TRT won a sweeping victory in the January 2001 elections, the first election held under the People's Constitution of 1997. It was called the most open, corruption-free election in Thai history. Thai Rak Thai won parliamentary 248 seats (more than any other party previously) and needed only 3 more seats to form a government. Nonetheless, Thaksin opted for a broad coalition with the Chart Thai Party (41 seats) and the New Aspiration Party (36 seats), while absorbing the smaller Seritham Party (14 seats).

Prime Minister of Thailand

As Prime Minister, Thaksin Shinawatra initiated many distinctive policies affecting the economy, public health, education, energy, drugs, and international relations. He gained two landslide re-election victories. Thaksin's policies have been particularly effective at alleviating rural poverty and at providing affordable health coverage to the people. Because of this, his main support base has been the rural poor.

His Cabinet was packed with academics, former student leaders, and former leaders of the Phalang Dharma party, including Prommin Lertsuridej, Chaturon Chaisang, Prapat Panyachatraksa, Surapong Suebwonglee, Somkid Jatusripitak, Surakiart Sathirathai, and Sudarat Keyuraphan.

However, his government has been frequently challenged with allegations of dictatorship, demagogy, corruption, conflicts of interest, human rights offences, acting undiplomatically, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards a free press. A controversial leader, he has also been the target of numerous allegations of lèse-majesté, treason, usurping religious and royal authority, selling assets to international investors, religious desecration, and siding with the forces of darkness.

March 2001 airplane bomb

On 3 March 2001, a semtex/white phosphorus bomb exploded on a Thai Airways International 737 jet minutes before new Thaksin was scheduled to board. The explosion caused a firestorm which consumed nearly the entire airplane on the ground, killing one airline staffer. At the time of the blast, Thaksin was walking with about 150 other passengers toward the plane at the start of a trip to attend a narcotics conference in Chiang Mai. Officials tried to attribute the explosion to a spontaneous explosion in the gas tank of the plane, but most observers believed this was an attempt to assassinate Thaksin.

Economic policies

see also: Policies of the Thaksin government#Economic and health policies and Thaksinomics.

Thaksin's government had designed its policies to appeal to the rural majority, initiating programs like village-managed microcredit development funds, low-interest agricultural loans, direct injections of cash into village development funds (the SML scheme), infrastructure development, and the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) rural small and medium enterprise development program.

Together called Thaksinomics, many feel that these policies were responsible for bringing about Thailand's economic recovery from the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis and substantially reducing rural poverty. The GDP grew from THB 4.9 trillion to THB 7.1 trillion. Thailand repaid its debts to the International Monetary Fund 2 years ahead of schedule. Between 2000 and 2004, income in the poorest part of the country, the Northeast, rose 40 per cent while nation-wide poverty fell from 21.3 per cent to 11.3 per cent. The Stock Exchange of Thailand outperformed other markets in the region. After facing fiscal deficits in 2001 and 2002, Thaksin balanced the national budget, producing comfortable fiscal surpluses for 2003 to 2005. Despite a massive program of infrastructure investments, balanced budgets were projected for 2006 and 2007. Public sector debt fell from 57% of GDP in 2001 to 41% in September 2006. Foreign exchange reserves doubled from US$30 billion in 2001 to US$64 billion in 2006.

Critics claim that Thaksinomics is little more than a Keynesian-style economic stimulus policy re-branded as something new and revolutionary. Economists from the Thailand Development Research Institute argue that other factors, such as a revival in export demand, were the primary cause behind the economy's recovery. Others claimed that the policies got the rural poor "hooked on Thaksin's hand-outs." Critics also pointed out that Thaksin's OTOP program, which encouraged rural entrepreneurialism, was not aligned with King Bhumibol Adulyadej's advocacy for a rural self-sufficient economy. Thaksin's supporters have countered that no other democratically-elected Prime Minister has reduced poverty by as much as Thaksin.

Thaksin helped bring Thailand's massive underground lottery system into the legal fold by operating a successful numbers game (Thai: หวย) run by the Government Lottery Office. Lottery sales of approx. 70 billion THB (2 billion USD) are used for social projects, including the "One District, One Scholarship" program which provided one student from a low-income family in each district with a scholarship to study overseas. Soon after Thaksin was deposed, the junta banned the lottery, claiming it was a social vice, luring the poor to become addicted to gambling, instead of working.

The Thaksin government reduced the state's control of the media by privatizing MCOT, a large television and radio broadcaster.

After the 2006 Thailand coup, the military junta rebranded Thaksin's SML scheme as the "sufficiency village development scheme." Villagers wishing to draw down funds from the scheme were required to draft projects based on the King's self-sufficient economy principles.

Healthcare policies

Thaksin initiated two key healthcare policies: subsidized universal health care and low-cost universal access to anti-retroviral HIV medication (ARVs). Thaksin's 30-baht/visit universal healthcare program won the applause of the general public, but was criticized by many doctors and officials. Prior to the program's introduction, a large portion of the population had no health insurance and limited access to healthcare. The program helped increase access to healthcare from 76% of the population to 96% of the population. The program also increased workloads for healthcare employees, and caused many doctors to switch to higher paying careers. It has been criticized for being underfunded. The program led some hospitals to seek alternative sources of income, leading to a boom in the medical tourism industry, with 1.3 million foreign patients earning Thailand 33 billion THB (approx. 800 million USD) in 2005.

Junta-appointed Public Health Minister Mongkol Na Songkhla called the 30-baht program a "marketing gimmick" and claimed that the government would "very soon" stop charging patients any fees for visits to state hospitals.

During the Thaksin government, the number of people living with HIV/AIDS as well as the overall prevalence rate noticeably declined. Although successful in expanding access to HIV medication, there have been concerns that a free trade agreement with the US could endanger Thailand's ability to produce generic HIV treatments.

Thaksin also initiated a radical shift in funding away from major urban hospitals in order to build up primary care in rural areas.

Thaksin allowed the estimated 2.3 million migrant workers in Thailand to register and seek health coverage under the Thai national healthcare system. They were also eligible for work permits at the end of the registration period, entitling them to full labor protection. Democrat Party Labour Group Committee Pongsak Plengsaeng criticized the move, claiming that it would lead to unemployment amongst Thais. Pongsak also claimed that alien workers in Thailand have a higher tendency to commit crimes. Thailand's unemployment rate at the time was 1.9%.

Anti-drug policies

See also: Policies of the Thaksin government § Anti-drug policies

Thaksin initiated several highly controversial policies to counter a boom in the Thai drug market, particularly in methamphetamine. After earlier anti-drug policies like border blocking (most methamphetamine is produced in Myanmar), public education, sports, and promoting peer pressure against drug use proved ineffective, Thaksin launched a multi-pronged suppression campaign that aimed to eradicate methamphetamine use in 3 months. The policy consisted of changing the punishment policy for drug addicts, setting provincial arrest and seizure targets, awarding government officials for achieving targets, targeting dealers, and "ruthless" implementation.

Over the next seven weeks, press reports indicate that more than 2,700 people were killed. The Government claimed that only around 50 of the deaths were at the hands of the police. Human rights critics say a large number were extrajudicially executed. The government went out of its way to publicize the campaign, through daily announcements of arrest, seizure, and death statistics.

King Bhumibol, in his 2003 birthday speech, supported the approach, although he did request the commander of the police to categorize the deaths between those killed by police and those killed by fellow drug dealers. Interpretations of his speech differ. A Bangkok university poll conducted in February 2003 revealed 92% of respondents backed the approach. The same survey did show, however, that seven out of 10 people feared being shot by police themselves.

According to the Narcotics Control Board, the policy was effective in reducing drug consumption, especially in schools, at least until 2006. But a 2005 Assumption University opinion poll found that 62% percent believed that drug abuse had increased from 2004 to 2005 and that 68% did not trust the government to solve the drug problem.

Reducing corruption

Despite repeated allegations of corruption, the Thaksin government reportedly improved Thailand's ability to control corruption. A 2006 World Bank study from 2002-2005 found that Thailand's regulatory quality and ability to control corruption improved twice as much as it had during the 1996-2002 period.

Transparency International reported that Thailand's reputation for transparency among business executives improved during the years of the Thaksin government. In 2001, Thailand's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) was 3.2, whereas in 2005, the CPI was 3.8.

Education policies

See also: Policies of the Thaksin government § Education policies

Thaksin implemented a series of educational reforms during his government. Chief among those reforms was school decentralization, as mandated by the 1997 People's Constitution. Decentralization would have delegated school management from the over-centralized and bureaucratized Ministry of Education to Tambon Administrative Organizations (TAOs). The plan met with massive widespread opposition from Thailand's 700,000 teachers, who would be deprived of their status as civil servants. There was also widespread fear from teachers that TAOs lack the skills and capabilities required to manage schools. In the face of massive teacher protests and several threats of school closure, Thaksin compromised and gave teachers whose schools were transferred to TAO management two years to transfer to other schools.

Other reforms included learning reform and related curricular decentralization, mostly through greater use of holistic education and less use of rote learning.

To increase access to universities for lower income people, Thaksin initiated the Student Loan Fund (SLF) and Income Contingency Loan (ICL) programs. The ICL granted loans regardless of financial status, and required recipients to start repayments when their salaries reach 16,000 Baht a month, with an interest rate equivalent to inflation from the day the loan was granted. The SLF had an eligibility limit on family income but carried interest of 1%, starting one year after graduation. The programs were merged and the income limit modified after Thaksin's government was overthrown.

Thaksin also initiated the controversial "One District, One Dream School" project, aimed at developing the quality of schools to ensure that every district has at least one high-quality school. The project was criticized, with some claiming that the only beneficiaries were Thaksin and companies selling computers and educational equipment. Many schools also fell deeply into debt in implementing the project, receiving less than adequate financial support from the central government.

In addition, Thaksin altered government state university entrance system. Whereas the former system relied exclusively on a series of nationally standardized exams, Thaksin pushed for a greater emphasis on senior high-school grades, claiming this would focus students on classroom learning rather than private entrance exam tutoring.

Thaksin initiated the Income Contingency Loan program to increase access to higher education. Under the program, needy students may secure a loan to support their studies from vocational to university levels. Thai banks had traditionally not given education loans. Thaksin made Thailand one of the first supporters of Nicholas Negroponte's One Laptop Per Child (OLPC) project, with the Thai Ministry of Education committing to purchase 600,000 units.

Energy policies

See also:Policies of the Thaksin government#Energy policies and Energy Industry Liberalization and Privatization (Thailand)

In energy policy, the Thaksin government continued the Chuan Leekpai government's privatization agenda, but with important changes. Whereas the Chuan government's post-Asian financial crisis policies sought economic efficiency through industry fragmentation and wholesale power pool competition, Thaksin's policies aimed to create national champions that could reliably support economic growth and become important players in regional energy markets. Elements of the Thaksin energy liberalization policy included:

• Privatization of the state-owned oil and gas company PTT
• Attempted privatization of the integrated state-owned electricity company EGAT, without separating the generating and transmission businesses
• Attempted establishment of an independent regulating agency (traditionally, EGAT had been both an operator and a regulator)

Thaksin also initiated a policy process to encourage renewable energy and energy conservation.

South Thailand insurgency

See also: South Thailand insurgency

A resurgence in violence began in 2001 in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand, which all have a Muslim ethnic Malay majority. There is much controversy about the causes of this escalation of the decades long insurgency. Attacks after 2001 concentrated on police, the military, and schools, but civilians have also been targets. Thaksin has been widely criticized for his management of the situation, in particular the storming of the Krue Se Mosque, the deaths of civilian protestors at Tak Bai, and the unsolved kidnapping of Muslim-lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit. In July 2005, Thaksin enacted an Emergency Decree to manage the three troubled provinces. Several human rights organizations expressed their concerns that the decree might be used to violate civil liberties. However, the emergency decree was overwhelmingly popular with both Bangkokians and people in the three southernmost provinces.

In March 2005, Thaksin established the National Reconciliation Commission, chaired by former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun to oversee efforts to bring peace to the troubled South. In its final report released in June 2006, the commission proposed introducing Islamic law and making Pattani-Malay (Yawi) an official language in the region. The Thaksin administration assigned a government committee to study the report, while Muslims urged the government to act faster in implementing the proposals. On the other hand, some elements of the proposals soon met with much criticism. The President of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's Privy Council, Prem Tinsulanonda, stated "We cannot accept that [proposal] as we are Thai. The country is Thai and the language is Thai. We have to be proud to be Thai and have the Thai language as the sole national language".

Administrative reform

Ministerial restructuring

One of the most visible of Thaksin's administrative reforms was the restructuring of government department and ministries, labeled the "big bang." It was hailed as a "historic breakthrough" and "the first major reorganization of ministries since King Chulalongkorn set up Thailand’s modern system of departmental government in 1897." Such a restructuring had been studied for years as a means of undermining the perceived rigidities and inertia of the old system, but was never implemented until the Thaksin government.

The restructuring was designed to streamline the bureaucracy and focus it on performance and results. New ministries were carved out in Social and Human Security Development, Tourism and Sports, Natural Resources and Environment, Information and Communication Technology, and Culture. The restructuring caused an unprecedented re-shuffling of senior bureaucrats and underwent intense scrutiny in parliamentary committees.

CEO-governors

Thaksin transformed the role of provincial governors from ceremonial supervisors of ministry officials to active managers of government policy. Historically, central government ministries operated in the provinces through field offices headed by senior officials, who reported back to Bangkok. The Ministry of Interior appointed provincial governors whose role was largely ceremonial.

A key component of Thaksin's administrative reform policy, "CEO-governors" epitomized Thaksin's "transformation of the operating style of the traditional bureaucracy into a more results-oriented instrument that would be responsive." Piloted in 2001 and introduced in all provinces in October 2003, CEO-governors were put in charge of planning and coordinating provincial development and became accountable for overall provincial affairs. The "CEO governors" were assisted by "provincial CFOs" from the Ministry of Finance who reported directly to each governor. The CEO-Governors were authorized to raise funds by issuing bonds and were given an intensive training course. CEO-governors no longer passively signed off state funds to local bodies, but also coordinated their use and ensured that they met explicitly-set performance agreements. After the coup, the junta reverted the role of governors.

Foreign policies

Thaksin was fiercely attacked for tasking diplomats with supporting domestic economic programs, e.g., promoting OTOP products. Surapong Jayanama, former ambassador to Vietnam claiming that Thaksin's policies were "demeaning" and would do little to enhance Thailand's international stature.

Thaksin also initiated negotiations for several free trade agreements with China, Australia, Bahrain, India, and the US. This policy was also criticized, with claims that high-cost Thai industries could be wiped out.

However, the FTAs may have had a major role in the fast growth of Thai exports. Exports to Australia, Eastern Europe, China and Latin America increased 27-30% in 2006.

Thailand joined George W. Bush's multinational coalition in the invasion of Iraq, sending a 423-strong humanitarian contingent. It withdrew its troops on 10 September 2004. Two Thai soldiers died in Iraq in an insurgent attack.

Thaksin has also announced that Thailand would forsake foreign aid, and work with donor countries to assist in the development of neighbors in the Greater Mekong Sub-region.

Thaksin has also been attacked by influential former diplomats for acting undiplomatically with foreign leaders. Kasit Pirom, former Thai ambassador to Japan and the United States, noted at an anti-Thaksin rally "When Khun Thaksin went to the United Nations to attend a joint UN-Asean session, he did not behave properly when addressing the session, which was co-chaired by the UN secretary-general and the Malaysian premier. In his address Thaksin did not mention the name of the Malaysian premier".

Thaksin has also been attacked for his support of Deputy Prime Minister Surakiart Sathirathai's campaign to become UN Secretary General.

2005 re-election

Under the slogans "Four Years of Repair — Four years of Reconstruction" and "Building Opportunities", Thaksin and the TRT won landslide victories in the February 2005 elections, sweeping 374 out of 500 seats in Parliament. The election had the highest voter turnout in Thai history and was noted for the marked reduction in vote-buying compared to previous elections.

Suvarnabhumi Airport

After 40 years of planning and debate, the Thaksin government completed the construction of the new Suvarnabhumi Airport. The airport was officially opened a week after a military junta overthrew the government. At the time of completion, it was one of the world's largest airports.

Some members of Thaksin's government were accused of corruption while overseeing the construction of Suvarnabhumi Airport. However, no accusations were directly made at Thaksin, and to-date, no Thai government, US government, police, or Auditor-General in the investigation has shown any corruption or collusion in the project. The junta attempted to use allegedly shoddy construction at the airport as one of the justifications for its coup. However, a junta-appointed panel of engineers assigned to inspect the airport noted that damage to the airport was "minute", and "common." This was contrary to accusations made by the junta that the airport was seriously damaged after only 4 months of operations. A spokesman for British Airways, also said that "Everything is normal", and that "We haven't heard any complaints from the staff." Other international airline representatives have also maintained that they are confident in Suvarnabhumi's safety. A two-week investigation led by Tortrakul Yomnak, a chief engineer for Airports of Thailand and prominent supporter of the anti-Thaksin movement, found that the runway was safe, and that cracks could be repaired in as little as a few hours. At the beginning of the investigation, Tortrakul had warned that the airport might need to be closed for three years. Other investigations found that the cost of fixing every identified problem at the airport would be less than 1% of the total airline cost, and that 70% of the problems would be fixed within 2007. 20 of the 60 problems were successfully fixed by February 2007.

Critics noted that junta-led investigations were unlikely to reveal an impartial picture of the airport's shortcomings. "Problems are normal for any new airport. In our case it's made more complex because everybody wants to run down the former prime minister", noted Sumet Jumsai, a leading Thai architect. Other leading engineers were sharply divided over the root causes of problems faced by the new airport.

Other criticisms

There have also been complaints that Thaksin appointed relatives to senior positions in the civil service and independent commissions, for example by elevating his cousin, General Chaiyasit Shinawatra, to Army commander-in-chief. In August 2002, he was promoted from Deputy Commander of the Armed Forces Development Command to become Deputy Army Chief. Both General Chaiyasit and Defense Minister General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh denied charges of nepotism at the time. General Chaiyasit replaced General Somthad Attanan as Army commander-in-chief. However, General Chaiyasit was replaced by General Prawit Wongsuwan in August 2004, after only a year in office. His replacement was in response to an escalation of violence in southern Thailand. Prawit was succeeded by Sonthi Boonyaratglin in 2005.

Thaksin was also accused of interference after the Senate appointed Wisut Montriwat (former Deputy Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Finance) to the position of Auditor General, replacing Jaruvan Maintaka. The Constitutional Court has earlier found Jaruvan's nomination illegal and unconstitutional; however, she refused to acknowledge her ouster without a direct order from the King. Her refusal was highly controversial and sparked a public debate into the role of the King in Thai politics. The Constitutional Court, Senate and State Audit Commission are technically independent and non-partisan bodies.

Respected former Thai ambassador to the UN Asda Jayanama, in an anti-Thaksin rally, claimed that Thaksin's two state visits to India were made in order to negotiate a satellite deal for Thaksin's family-owned Shin Corporation. The accusation was countered by Foreign Minister Kantathi Suphamongkhon.

Thaksin's government has been accused of exerting political influence in its crackdown on unlicensed community radio stations.

Thaksin has also been accused of being superstitious. His supporters have countered that he is in fact jestful.

Thaksin often faced harsh comparisons. Social critic Prawase Wasi compared him to AIDS, Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda and Senator Banjerd Singkaneti compared him to Hitler, Democrat spokesman Ong-art Klampaibul compared him to Saddam Hussein, and the newspaper The Nation compared him to Pol Pot.

Thaksin has been engaged in a series of lawsuits against American businessman William L Monson regarding a cable-television joint venture the two partnered in during the 1980s.

Political crisis of 2005-2006

See also: Thailand political crisis 2005-2006

Accusations by Sondhi Limthongkul

The political crisis was catalyzed by several accusations published by media mogul Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin supporter. These included accusations that Thaksin:

• Committed lèse-majesté against the King
• Usurped the Royal powers of the King (see Temple of the Emerald Buddha incident)
• Restricted press freedom by suing Sondhi after Sondhi printed a sermon by a controversial monk (see Luang Ta Maha Bua incident)
• Masterminded the desecration of the Erawan shrine (see Phra Phrom Erawan Shrine incident)

Sale of Shin Corporation

Main article: Thaksin Shinawatra $1.88 billion deal controversy

On January 23, 2006, the Shinawatra family sold their entire stake in Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings. The Shinawatra and Damapong families netted about 73 billion baht (about US$1.88 billion) tax-free from the sale, using a regulation that individuals who sell shares on the stock exchange pay no capital gains tax.

The Thailand Securities and Exchange Commission investigated the transaction. "The investigation concluded that Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his daughter Pinthongta are clear from all wrongdoing", said SEC secretary-general Thirachai Phuvanatnaranubala on February 23, 2006. However, the SEC did find that Thaksin's son, Panthongtae, committed minor infractions with regard to information disclosure and public tender offers in transactions between 2000 and 2002. He was fined 6 million THB (about 150,000USD). Allegations of insider trading by other Shinawatra family members, Shin Corporation Corp executives, and major shareholders were also investigated. No irregularities were found. In 2006, Revenue Department director-general Sirot Sawadpanish testified to the military junta Assets Examination Committee that the sale was not taxable.

The transaction made the Prime Minister the target of accusations that he was selling an asset of national importance to a foreign entity, and hence selling out his nation. The Democrat party spokesman compared him to Saddam Hussein: "Saddam, though a brutal tyrant, still fought the superpower for the Iraqi motherland".

Supporters, however, counter that Thailand's mobile phone industry is highly competitive, and that little criticism was raised when the Norwegian firm Telenor acquired the country's second largest mobile operator. There was also no criticism when Temasek-owned DBS bought a large stake in Siam Commercial Bank (majority owned by King Bhumibol Adulyadej). Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva had earlier criticized Thaksin for not sufficiently opening up the Thai telecom sector to foreigners. Democrat Party deputy leader Korn Chatikavanij noted "I have always said Shin [Corporation] was safer in Singapore hands than in Thaksin's hands". Supporters further counter that the complete sale of Shin Corporation by the Shinawatra-Damapong families had been a long-standing demand of some public groups, as it would allow Thaksin to undertake his duties as Prime Minister without accusation of conflicts of interest.

Anti-Thaksin and pro-Thaksin rallies

See also: Thailand political crisis 2005-2006

Thaksin faced pressure to resign following the sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings.

Anti-Thaksin protestors, led by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), consisted mainly of middle-class Bangkokians. They also included prominent socialites (dubbed the "Blue Blood Jet Set" by the Bangkok Post) and members of the Thai royal family.

Media mogul Sondhi Limthongkul was a prominent leader of the protests. These were joined by academics, students, supporters of the controversial Santi Asoke Buddhist sect (led by Thaksin's former mentor Chamlong Srimuang) and followers of the controversial monk Luang Ta Maha Bua. State enterprise employees opposed to privatization followed, even though most EGAT employees had supported privatization in early 2005. Protestors camped out for months outside Government House.

The protests were divisive. The controversial Dharmakaya Buddhist sect came out in support of Thaksin. Massive pro-Thaksin rallies were held in Bangkok and several provinces, including a Bangkok rally where an estimated 200,000 attended.

King Bhumibol's Privy Council President asked protestors to seek a peaceful resolution to the situation. In response to Sondhi Limthongkul's "We Fight For the King" battle-cry, Supreme Commander General Ruengroj Mahasaranond said "Rivals should not involve the monarch in their quarrels".

On 4 February 2006, Thaksin said in an interview that if the King even whispered for him to resign, he would. That very evening, Sondhi spoke at an anti-Thaksin rally, saying, "Where is the army? This talk is enough to bring Thaksin to the execution post." At 9pm that evening, Sondhi visited the Bureau of the Royal Household to petition Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda to remove Thaksin from the position of Prime Minister. The Bureau's offices were still open to receive his petition.

House dissolution and the April 2006 Legislative Election

Main article: Thailand legislative election, April 2006

House dissolution

Thaksin announced a House dissolution on 24 February 2006, in a bid to end the political crisis. General elections were scheduled for 2 April. In his weekly radio address following the announcement of his decision, the prime minister promised a series of new populist measures, including an increase in the minimum wage and debt relief for farmers. The opposition Democrat, Chart Thai and Mahachon parties announced a boycott of the election on 27 February.

Thaksin was criticized for calling the snap elections. In an editorial, The Nation noted that the election "fails to take into consideration a major fallacy of the concept [of democracy], particularly in a less-developed democracy like ours, in which the impoverished, poorly informed masses are easily manipulated by people of his ilk. And Thaksin's manipulation has been well documented.."

Anti-Thaksin protestors call for royal intervention

On March 24, 2006 in front of a rally of 50,000, Democrat party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva demanded that Thaksin resign and asked for the King Bhumibol to appoint a replacement. The People's Alliance for Democracy's (PAD), the Law Society of Thailand, and the Press Council of Thailand also called for royal intervention.

The King himself on 26 April dismissed the notion, saying that such an action would be unconstitutional. "Asking for a Royally appointed prime minister is undemocratic. It is, pardon me, a mess. It is irrational."

Election results

Thaksin's TRT Party won a victory in the boycotted elections, with 462 seats in Parliament with ratio of voters to no-voters of 16-10.

However, by-elections were needed for 40 TRT candidates (mostly from the Democrat-dominated south) who failed to win the minimum required 20% in an uncontested vote. The Democrat Party refused to contest the by-elections and, along with the People's Alliance for Democracy, petitioned the Central Administrative Court to cancel them. Chamlong Srimuang declared that the PAD would ignore the elections and "go on rallying until Thaksin resigns and Thailand gets a royally-appointed prime minister".

By-elections

Boycotted by-elections in 40 constituencies on 25 April resulted in the TRT winning 25 of the constituencies and losing in 2 constituencies. Yet another round of by-elections on 29 April was scheduled for 13 constituencies. The Thai Rak Thai Party was later accused of hiring smaller parties to contest the election, while the Democrat Party was later accused of hiring smaller parties to not contest the election. According to the 1997 Constitution, uncontested election winners must win at least 20% of registered voters. These by-elections were suspended by the Constitution Court while it deliberated whether or not to disqualify the elections.

Invalidation of the April elections

In a speech on 25 April, King Bhumibol urged the judiciary to find a way out of the political crisis. In 8 May 2006, the Constitutional Court ruled 8-6 to invalidate the April elections based on the awkward positioning of voting booths. The ruling was called a landmark case in judicial activism.The Democrat Party, which had boycotted the April elections, said they were now ready to contest a October election.

A new election was ordered, later set for 15 October. The Court pressured the Election Commissioners to resign. However, when they did not, the Court found them guilty of malfeance in their management of the April election and jailed them. The 15 October election was cancelled when the military seized power on 19 September.

After the April 2006 election

Thaksin proposes reconciliatory panel

On 3 April 2006, Thaksin Shinawatra appeared on television to declare victory in the 2006 election, propose a government of national unity, and proposed the creation of an independent reconciliatory commission to decide whether he should remain Prime Minister. The Democrat Party and the PAD immediately rejected the reconciliation panel. "It's too late for national reconciliation", said Chamlong Srimuang.

Break from politics

After an audience with King Bhumipol, Thaksin announced on April 4, 2006 that he would not accept the post of Prime Minister after the Parliament reconvenes, but would continue as Caretaker Prime Minister until then.

"My main reason for not accepting the post of prime minister is because this year is an auspicious year for the king, whose 60th anniversary on the throne is just 60 days away...I want all Thais to reunite", said Thaksin in a nationally televised speech.

He then delegated his functions to Caretaker Deputy Prime Minister Chidchai Wannasathit, moved out of Government House, and went on vacation.

Thaksin's announcement provoked mixed reactions. A Bangkok poll taken 3 weeks after Thaksin's announcement found that TRT policies were still overwhelmingly popular in Bangkok, with 54% preferring TRT policies versus 8% for the Democrats.

However, a poll conducted in late May found that only 43% percent of Bangkokians wanted Thaksin back as premier while 57% percent believed Thaksin should not return as prime minister. But in the other 20 provinces surveyed in the same poll, 55% percent of respondents favored Thaksin's return as prime minister while 45% percent were opposed.

The Democrat Party at first welcomed the decision and promised to cooperate to resolve the political crisis. However, they continued their boycott of the April 2006 by-elections. In a celebration on 7 April, PAD leaders announced their new goal was the eradication of the "Thaksin regime". and subsequently formed the Mass Party. The Law Society of Thailand filed a suit with the Supreme Administrative Court, later rejected, alleging that Thaksin's leave was illegal

Thaksin returned to work on 19 May 2006, in the wake of the Constitutional Court's nullification of the April elections and catastrophic flooding in the North. However, political tension remained high. On 22 May, Pairoj Vongvipanon, former dean of the Faculty of Economics, Chulalongkorn University, warned Thaksin of assassination: "Thaksin must be careful or else he might be killed. Don't think that assassinations cannot occur in Thailand."

"Finland Plan" controversy and the "charismatic individual"

Main article: Finland Plot

On the eve of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's 60th anniversary celebrations, the Manager newspaper and website published several articles on the "Finland Plan", an alleged conspiracy designed by Thaksin and other Thai Rak Thai co-founders aimed at overthrowing the King and seizing control of the country. Evidence substantiating the existence of such a conspiracy has never been presented in public. After seizing power, the military junta refused to investigate any of the claims.

Democrat Party deputy secretary-general Thaworn Senniam (Thai: ถาวร เสนเนียม) commented that the Finland Plan was "obviously true". In retaliation, Thaksin and the TRT sued the owner of the Manager daily Sondhi Limthongkul, its editor, a columnist and two executives for libel. The Finland Plan accusations were strongly criticized by some in the media for baselessly inflaming hatred.

On 29 June 2006, Thaksin noted that the political crisis was aggravated "because charismatic people and some organisations outside those sanctioned by the Constitution are trying to overthrow the government, rules and laws, Constitution and democracy." This prompted speculation that the unnamed "charismatic individual" he was referring to was either royal Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda or King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Any criticism of the King is illegal and highly frowned upon by the Thai public. Thaksin refused to clarify his remarks, provoking fierce criticism.

August 2006 car bomb

On 24 August 2006, a car containing 67 kilograms of explosives was stopped near Thaksin's residence in Thonburi. Metropolitan Police Bureau Commissioner Lt-General Wiroj Jantharangsee noted that the explosives in the car were completely assembled, equipped with a remote unit sensor and ready to be detonated, and would have a blast radius of around one kilometre. Pol Major Kamthorn Ooycharoen, head of the police bomb-disposal squad at the scene, also noted that the bomb was live and ready for detonation. The bomb was composed of sticks TNT, M-8 military fuses, TNT, C4 plastic explosives, a remote control unit, and nine plastic containers containing ammonium nitrate fuel oil (ANFO). The car was driven by Lieutenant Thawatchai Klinchana, former personal chauffeur of Pallop Pinmanee, Deputy Director of Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC). Police found that the car had left ISOC headquarters earlier that morning. Thawatchai was immediately arrested and Pallop was released from his position.

Pallop denied all involvement, noting that "If had wanted to do it, I would have done it more subtly...In my career, I have lead death squads. If I had wanted to kill him, the Prime Minister would not have escaped." He also claimed that "the explosives were being transported, they were not assembled to be detonated." Government critics claimed that the car bomb was a government conspiracy. Five army officers were later arrested for their role in the plot. Three officers, including Thawatchai, were released after the military overthrew the Thaksin government.

September 2006 Coup

Main article: 2006 Thailand coup d'état

In the evening of 19 September 2006, while Thaksin was visiting New York City, USA to attend a United Nations summit and to speak at the Council on Foreign Relations, a military junta took control of Bangkok. Inside Government House, close to 50 soldiers ordered approximately 220 policemen in the complex to lay down their weapons. Troops also surrounded the Thaicom satellite receiving station and state-run television station Channel 11. By the morning of 20 September, tanks and military vehicles armed with machine guns were stationed at Government House, the Royal Plaza and government units along Rajdamnoen Avenue.

Troops participating in the coup were from the 1st and 3rd Army Regions, the Internal Security Operations Command, the Special Warfare Centre and Army units in Nakhon Ratchasima and Prachin Buri provinces and sections of the Navy. According to coup leader Army Commander General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, the coup leaders had arrested Deputy Prime Minister Chitchai Wannasathit and Defense Minister Thammarak Isaragura na Ayuthaya. Troops who refused to take part in the coup took mainly a neutral stance and did nothing to prevent the coup.

The military, originally calling itself the Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarch (CDRM), issued a statement citing the government's alleged lèse majesté, corruption, interference with state agencies, and creation of social divisions as reasons for the coup. It declared the king of Thailand the head of state, and said elections will be held soon to return democracy to the country. Shinawatra later arrived in Britain, where he has family and are currently staying at the Dorchester Hotel in London.

Aftermath of the coup

After the coup, Thaksin remained a controversial figure. Despite being in exile and having all mention of him censored by all television stations, he still retained significant popularity among the public. All websites showing any support for Thaksin were shut down or blocked by the junta. A public opinion poll released by Bangkok University on 26 December 2006 showed he was ranked as the third most admired person in Thailand, behind General Sonthi Boonyaratglin and Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont.

Thai Rak Thai party

Many Thai Rak Thai party members were reported to have resigned from the party in the aftermath of the coup. These included Somsak Thepsuthin and 100 members of the Wang Nam Yom faction. It was not clear whether Suriya Jungrungreangkit, another influential member of the faction would also resign. Sonthaya Kunplome also was reported to have led 20 members of the Chonburi faction in resigning from the party. Fear that the party would be dissolved by the junta and its members banned from politics fueled the defections.

On 2 October 2006 Thaksin Shinawatra and his former deputy Somkid Jatusipitak resigned from the Thai Rak Thai Party. Chaturon Chaisang took over as party head. Chaturon later claimed that Thaksin called him and told him that he would stop his political activities. On 2 February, junta-chief Sonthi Boonyaratkalin noted that the TRT would probably be dissolved.

Meanwhile, court cases against the Thai Rak Thai and Democrat parties regarding election fraud in the April 2006 elections continued. In February 2007 witnesses in the case told the Constitution Tribunal that Election Commission investigators forced them to frame the TRT. Boonchoo Soonsuwan, an MP candidate for the Thai Ground Party, testified that he didn't personally know Trairong Intaratat and Phadungsak Klansanoh (both figures close to TRT leaders) but EC panel members, including Police Captain Manoon Wichiennit, told him to say they did and promised they would protect him. Fandy Pasu, another candidate for the Thai Ground Party, also testified that the EC forced him to lie. Both men had previously told the EC that Trairong and Phadungsak hired to run in the April 2006 legislative election.

2006 Bangkok New Year's Eve bombings

Main article: 2006 Bangkok bombings

On 31 December 2006 and 1 January 2007, several bombs exploded in Bangkok. Thaksin later went on CNN to deny any involvement in the bombings.

Travels

The junta repeatedly warned Thaksin from returning to Thailand. Thaksin travelled to China and attempted to meet military-appointed Premier Surayud Chulanont, who was in China for the ASEAN-China Summit. However, Surayud refused to meet him. Surayud later denied Thaksin the opportunity to return to Thailand to contest in elections, and said that the appropriate time for him to return would be "after a year", when a newly elected government was already in place.

Thaksin was assaulted while eating at a Thai restaurant in London. A Thai woman threw a glass at him - it was not known whether he was injured.

His diplomatic passport was revoked in 31 December 2006 after the junta accused him of engaging in political activities while in exile. Thai embassies were ordered not to facilitate his travels. Traditionally, all former prime ministers and foreign ministers of Thailand were permitted to hold on to their diplomatic passport for life.

In January, Thaksin visited Singapore and had a personal meeting with S. Jayakumar, Singapore's Deputy Prime Minister. The Singapore government claimed the meeting was purely social and private. However, the Thai military government withdrew an invitation to Singapore's foreign minister to visit Thailand, cancelled a civil servant exchange program, and reviewed Singapore's use of Thai territory for military training exercises. Junta-head Sonthi later announced that the mobile phone calls of junta leaders were being bugged by the Singapore government. During the Singapore trip, Thaksin also gave an interview to CNN, in which he announced that he was quiting politics. He also denied the junta's accusation that he was behind the 2006 Bangkok bombings. The interview was censored in Thailand, as were interviews with the Asian Wall Street Journal, Newsweek, The Economist, and Time. Junta leader Sonthi Boonyaratkalin claimed to the Thai public that Thaksin insulted and was disrespectful to King Bhumibol and the royal family in his interviews.

Speaking before a group of 1,000 local politicians and government officials in February, junta assistant secretary general Saprang Kalayanamitr noted, "The traitor is slated to be banished to live foever in the jungle because there is no place in society for a deceitful politician." Although he did not mention Thaksin's name, the media assumed he was referring to Thaksin.

Legal charges

The junta established several bodies to investigate charges of corruption against Thaksin and members of his deposed government. As of November 2006, none of the bodies had concluded their investigations or found substantial evidence of corruption, despite offers of immunity for potential witnesses. As of March 2007, the bodies failed to reveal evidence of wrongdoing to the public, although they did cite findings from initial investigations that concluded that Thaksin violated the law.

In January 2007, the Financial Institutions Development Fund complied with an Assets Examination Committee request to file a charge against Thaksin and his wife over their purchase of four 772 million baht plots of land from the FIDF in 2003. The charge was based on alleged violation of Article 100 of the National Counter Corruption Act, which specificies that government officials and their spouses are prohibited from entering into or having interests in contracts made with state agencies under their authorisation. However, Article 4 of the Act indicates that persons committing malfeasance must be direct supervisors of the damaged party - in this case, the FIDF. At the time, Bank of Thailand Governor Pridiyathorn Devakula directly supervised the FIDF, not Thaksin. The FIDF claimed that it had considered this detail before making the charges. The FIDF later noted that the land was sold to the Shinawatras at a price lower than its appraised value.

The Assets Examination Committee also accused Thaksin of issuing an unlawful cabinet resolution approving the spending of state funds to buy rubber saplings. However, it did not accuse him of corruption.

Miscellaneous

• In January 2006, Thaksin staged Back Stage Show: The Prime Minister, a reality show about his work on solving poverty in Amphoe At Samat, Roi Et Province.
• Thaksin is commonly referred to by the press and his critics as "Na Liam" (Thai: หน้าเหลี่ยม - "square face") and "Maeo" (Thai: แม้ว - a derogatory term for the Hmong people).
• In Chinese-language media, Thaksin's name is given either as Qiu Daxin (丘达新; pinyin: Qiū Dáxīn), or Taxin (他信). Qiu is the surname of Thaksin's great grandfather and Daxin is a transliteration of Thaksin. The Chinese Wikipedia article on Thaksin uses the name "塔信·欽那瓦", which is a direct transliteration of Thaksin's Thai name.
• During his tenure as a doctoral student at Sam Houston State University between 1975-78, Thaksin worked at Burger King and got up every morning at 3 a.m. to deliver the Houston Chronicle newspaper.

Future

Thaksin has given an exclusive interview during a brief visit to Australia (the interview was broadcast on Australia's public broadcaster ABC on 13 February 2007 during the program "Foreign Correspondent"). Thaksin has been travelling the world, playing golf, shopping, hiring international lobbying and public relations firms and it seems, taking an active interest in real estate. He told reporter Helen Vatsikopoulos, he’s now keen to buy a mansion in Sydney’s expensive eastern suburbs.

Thaksin stated that he is not planning to return to Thailand in the near future. "I’m not considering going back yet because I have to worry about my safety and I also should not add any more confusion to the situation in Thailand now."

Thaksin insists that he is not engaged in international lobbying against the military junta running Thailand. And though he wants the country to return to democracy, he’s finished with politics forever. "You will not see me in politics, not just the next generation, but for life. I want to devote myself to charitable activities and some kind of research."

Mr Thaksin says the military have no reason to fear him and he struck a distinctly conciliatory tone with the men who tossed him out of power. "I would urge everybody concerned not to worry about me. I’m not going to create any problems as a former PM. I’m mature enough, I have to be very constructive for my country. I have to be sure that anything I say might have an impact on my own country."

See also

• List of Prime Ministers of Thailand
• Thailand political crisis 2005-2006
• Thaksin Get Out
• Thaksinomics
• Sondhi Limthongkul
• People's Alliance for Democracy
• Constitution of Thailand

External links

• Thaksin Shinawatra’s official website, in Thai
• Short biography at the website of the Thai embassy to the USA
• Thaksinomics
• Screenshots of Thaksin in Back Stage Show, a reality show
• High tension in Thailand - a chronology of events in the political crisis of 2005-2006
• Template:En icon NewMandala, some good up-to-date commentary on Thaksin and the coup.
• Thaksin's 15 January 2007 interview on CNN, censored by the military junta

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