Political integration of India

Between 1947 and 1950, India became a sovereign, united nation for the first time in over a thousand years - a secure and self-sustaining, free democracy, following the unification and political integration of 565 princely states, colonial possessions and provinces through a sensitive and critical series of political campaigns, complex diplomacy and military conflicts. India was transformed through the 1950s and 1960s with political upheaval, ethnic discontent and war, and continues to this day as it evolves as a federal republic natural to its geographic, economic, ethnic and religious diversity. The process is defined by sensitive religious and political conflicts between Hindus and Muslims, its diverse ethnic constituents, as well as by an increasingly dangerous geo-political rivalry and military conflicts with Pakistan and China.

As the Indian independence movement succeeded in obtaining the end of British Raj on August 15th, 1947, India's national leaders faced the prospect of inheriting a nation fragmented between medieval-era kingdoms and provinces and possessions organized by colonial authorities. As the proposed partition of India would already separate Muslim-majority provinces, it became essential for India to unify into one nation with freedom and political emancipation for its exceedingly diverse population. Under the leadership of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, one of India's most respected freedom fighters and the Minister of Home Affairs, the new Government of India employed an iron fist in a velvet glove diplomacy - frank political negotiations backed with the option (and the use) of military action to weld a united nation that could emancipate its people without the prospect of division and civil conflict.

When India became a Republic on January 26, 1950, its Constitution pronounced it a Union of States, exemplifying federalism. India also officially reclaimed the possessions of the French Empire and Portugal which lay in southern India. Union territories were organized for geographical entities with small populations with unique demographic characteristics and requirements, governed directly by the Union government. In the 1950s and 1960s, popular demands increased for the recognition and use of the various languages of India, as well as respect and attention for the special issues of regions in different parts of India. New states were created to develop a republic respecting the national mainstream as well as regional diversity - politically empowering regional populations that shared a common language, allowing them to preserve their culture as well as live in their natural geographic and socio-economic environment. In the late 1990s, more states were created to resolve extensive problems of overpopulation, poor governance and resource underallocation, to give autonomy to self-sufficient regions to address their own unique issues.

The territorial extent of modern India is only superseded by that of the Mauryan Empire of Emperor Ashoka and under British Raj. Today, the Republic of India is a Union of 28 states and 7 Union Territories.

File:India 1922 British Raj.png

India under British Raj in 1922, prior to its partition and integration after independence.

British India and the States

British colonization of Indian subcontinent started from early 18th century. By mid-19th century most of the subcontinent was under British rule. With the arrival of Lord Louis Mountbatten as the Viceroy of India in early 1947, the British government led by Prime Minister Clement Attlee made a clear indication [1] that the independence of India was imminent. India's top political parties, the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League were engaged in negotiations to prepare a plan for transfer of power, and the make-up of the new Indian government. To this end, elections were held for the Constituent Assembly of India. In June 1947, the Congress and the League agreed to Mountbatten's plan to partition British India into two independent dominions of the British Commonwealth: India and Pakistan.

British India and other Domains

See Also: Provinces of India

Without the princely states, the Dominion of India would comprise the provinces of Bombay Presidency, Madras Presidency, the United Provinces, the Central Provinces and Berar, Assam, Orissa, and Bihar, and the chief commissioners' provinces of Coorg, Ajmer-Merwara, Panth-Piploda, and Delhi. The North West Frontier Province and Sind and the chief commissioners' province of Baluchistan would go to Pakistan. The provinces of Bengal and Punjab had been partitioned in 1946, with India retaining West Bengal and East Punjab, the Hindu-majority portions of the larger provinces. West Punjab and East Bengal were heavily Muslim, and went to Pakistan. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands and the Lakshadweep Islands would be turned over to the control of India. The kingdom of Sikkim became a protectorate of India after independence, and in 1975 became an Indian state.

The States

See Also: Princely states of India

There were approximately between 570 and 600 princely states which enjoyed a special recognition and relationship with the British Raj. The British government announced in the Indian Independence Act 1947 that with the transfer of power on 15th August, 1947, all of these states would be freed of their obligations to the British Empire, and free to join either India or Pakistan, or choose to become independent. The kingdom of Nepal would become a fully sovereign nation. The kingdom of Bhutan would dissolve its protectorate relationship similarly, but via treaty in 1949, India would become the guarantor of its security.Apart from a few which were geographically unalienable from the newly formed dominion of Pakistan, approximately 565 princely states were clearly linked to India, the largest nation.

The largest of them was Hyderabad state, which was more than 82,000 square miles large in the heart of India. Jammu and Kashmir was similarly large and at the head of India and the Himalayas. However, a large region in the modern state of Gujarat known as Kathiawad was divided into approximately 200 princely states. Kashmir was a Muslim-majority state with a Hindu monarch, while Hyderabad was a Hindu-majority state with a Muslim monarch, complicating the process of deciding between a Muslim Pakistan and a Hindu-majority India. The states formed more than half of the territory of modern India, and a major proportion of its population. It was clear to one and all at the time that without these states, or without even one state, India would be incomplete, fragmented and susceptible to political and social conflicts. The nation would not be united or secure, and thus independence would be tenuous at best.

Most of the states had signed different treaties making official a relationship with the British Raj in India, whereby the Raj controlled the foreign and inter-state relations and provided for the defence needs. Indian monarchs accepted the suzerainty of Britain in India, paid tribute and allowed British authorities to collect taxes and appropriate finances, and even in many cases, manage the affairs of governance via the Raj's Political Department. The princes were politically represented in the Imperial Legislative Council and the Chamber of Princes, and in namesake enjoyed relationships described as that of allies, not subordinates, as was the case in reality. Thus the princes maintained a special channel of dialogue and influence with the British Raj, as separate from the national politics of India.

Process of Accession

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel was the Minister for Home and States Affairs, given the explicit responsibility of welding an united and strategically secure India in time for the transfer of power. Patel was considered the best man for the task by the Congress Party, as well as Lord Mountbatten (who had addressed him once as the "Bismarck of India") and senior British officials, who had been his opponents in the freedom struggle. He was considered a statesman of integrity with the practical knowledge and judgement, and ardent resolve to accomplish what was considered a monumental task where the loss of even one princely state would create major problems for India's future, leaving the country fragmented. Patel was viewed as having the personal and political strength to stand up for national interest and enforce the word of the Government, yet with the tact and widsom to negotiate successfully with the princes. Patel asked V.P. Menon, a senior civil servant with whom Patel had worked with to resolve the partition of India, to become his right-hand, as chief secretary of the States Department, later the States Ministry.

India's Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, as the President of the All India States Peoples Conference was an influential leader who helped Patel's mission by lobbying and advising skeptical monarchs. Lord Louis Mountbatten, as the British representative and Governor-General of India also served as an important ally of Patel in bringing many skeptical rulers into the Indian union.

Instrument of Accession

See Also: Instrument of Accession

Sardar Patel and V.P. Menon came up with a formula to propose to the Indian monarchs. The Instrument of Accession was the official document and treaty between the Government of India, and the state, who were both to be signatories.

According to the basic tenets of the treaty:

The Government of India would basically control only foreign affairs, defence and communications, leaving all internal issues to be administered by the states.

The monarchs of the states that would join would be allowed to retain their property, titles and estates. They would be equal citizens of India, and fully eligible to run for public office.

As a compensation for the loss of income, the monarchs would be compensated with a privy purse, which would be guaranteed in the future Constitution of India.

On July 5th, 1947, Patel released the official policy of the Government of India, which mentioned the subjects of accession and stated:

We ask no more of the States than accession on these three subjects in which the common interests of the country are involved. In other matters we would scrupulously respect their autonomous existence. This country...is the proud heritage of the people who inhabit it. It is an accident that some live in the States and some in British India...None can segregate us into segments...I suggest that it is better therefore for us to make laws sitting together as friends than to make treaties as aliens. I invite my friends the rulers of States and their people to the councils of the Constituent Assembly in this spirit of friendliness...Congressmen are no enemies of the princely order. (V. P. Menon, Integration of Indian States, pp. 99-100)

Considering that the princes had to sign away the sovereignty of states where their families had reigned for hundreds of years, and that a secure union and free nation were impossible if even one state refused to sign on, Patel and Menon were of the opinion that this was the best deal that could be put to the princes without jeopardizing India's unity and security. While negotiating with the states, Patel and Menon also worked two un-official but important points:

The monarchs who signed on willingly would be retained as constitutional heads of state

The power would be handed over to an elected government formed by the state's people.

Once signed, the state would be merged as a distinct province in India, and represented in the Constituent Assembly of India, thus becoming an active participant in the process of framing the new Constitution of India.

Reactions

The states of Gwalior, Bikaner, Patiala, Baroda, Cochin, Jaipur, Jodhpur and Rewa joined the Constituent Assembly on April 28, 1947. However, the states of Travancore and Hyderabad announced their desire for independence (Hyderabad, however was also looking for a link-up with Pakistan, and Travancore also looked to Sri Lanka), and the Nawab of Bhopal, Hamidullah Khan expressed his desire to negotiate a better agreement, negotiate with Pakistan as well, or seek independence. The Nawab there was a powerful influence on number of princes, as he was the former chancellor of the Chamber of Princes. In addition, the states of Bhopal, Jodhpur, Indore and Jaisalmer conducted a dialogue with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the slated Governor-General of Pakistan, to discuss terms for a possible accession to it, instead of India. While this surprised many in both India and Pakistan, neither party could ultimately ignore the fact that these kingdoms were Hindu-majority, which rendered their membership in the Muslim Dominion of Pakistan politically and socially untenable.

Patel's diplomacy

From May 1947, Sardar Patel had worked to lobby the princes, to make them hospitable to dialogue with the future Government of India, and make them partners instead of sources of potential conflict. Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the leaders with Patel of India's freedom struggle were of the opinion that he was best suited to handle the problem, while Mountbatten and British officials also expressed relief that Patel had been chosen to address the question of the states. Even the Nawab of Bhopal expressed support.

On May 6 and onwards, Patel invited the likes of the Maharaja of Jodhpur, Jamsaheb of Nawanagar and the Maharaja of Patiala to lunch and tea at his home in Delhi. Patel sought to address two chief concerns:

The princes feared that the Congress would be hostile to the princely order, attacking their possessions, property and civil liberties, as had been done in Russia after the Russian Revolution. Patel promised them that the Congress, despite its firm adherence of democracy and adoption of socialism, would not politically attack the Indian princes nor deprive them of any political power or property than was necessary for the stability and unity of India.

The princes also were worried that the guarantees offered by Patel while the British were still in charge would be scrapped after August 15th. Patel promised to include the guarantees in the Constitution itself. The princes were re-assured when it was announced that Lord Louis Mountbatten would serve as the first Governor-General of India.

Patel used social meetings and un-official surroundings to engage most monarchs. There was no real conflict, according to him, between the men and women who had fought the British Raj, and the princes who had cooperated with the Empire. Patel listened to the concerns and views of the monarchs, but also stressed that the princes would have to accede to India in good faith by August 15th. Patel invoked the patriotism of India's monarchs, asking them to participate in the freedom of their great nation and act as responsible rulers who cared about the future of their people. V.P. Menon was frequently dispatched to hold talks with the ministers and monarchs, and often to sign for the Government. Menon would work each day with Patel, calling him twice, including a final status report in the night. Menon was Patel's closest advisor and aide on the diplomacy and tactics, and handling of potential conflicts, as well as his official link with out-going British officials.

File:Mountbatten.jpg

Lord Louis Mountbatten played an important role in convincing reluctant monarchs to accede to the Indian Union.

Patel enlisted the help of Lord Mountbatten, who was trusted by most of the princes and was a personal friend of many, especially the Nawab of Bhopal, Hamidullah Khan. Lord Mountbatten was also a credible figure because Jawaharlal Nehru and Patel had asked him to become the Governor General of India following independence. In July 1947, Lord Mountbatten gave an important speech (Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life, pp. 411-12) to a large gathering of princes and their ministers, in which he laid out a formidable argument for the states to accede to India. Mountbatten also stressed that he would act as the trustee of the princes' commitment, as he would be serving as India's head of state well into 1948. Mountbatten engaged a personal dialogue with the Nawab. He asked through a confidential letter to him, that he sign the instrument of accession, which Mountbatten would keep locked up in his safe. It would be handed to the States Department on August 15th only if the Nawab did not change his mind before then, which he was free to do. The Nawab agreed, and did not renege over the deal (Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life, pp. 413-14).

Accession of the States

From June to August 15th, 1947, 562 of the 565 India-linked states signed the instrument of accession, largely due to the direct diplomacy of Sardar Patel, V.P. Menon and with the help of Lord Mountbatten and Jawaharlal Nehru. According to accounts by witnesses like Menon, many princes came to admire Patel's candor on behalf of national interest, as well as his willingness to combat his own party for the sake of the princes. The privy purse pledge was offensive to many socialist Congressmen, and Prime Minister Nehru had complained of Patel by-passing the Cabinet before making the pledge. Patel described the pledge as an essential guarantee of the Government's intentions, and it was duly incorporated into the Constitution (In 1967, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's Congress Party would repeal the clause). Patel also defended their right to hold property and contest elections for public office, and today, especially in states like Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, descendents of the royal families play an important role in politics. His admirers would later call him the Iron Man of India [2] for his exemplary leadership that welded India into a united nation.

However, in the strenous process of integration three major conflicts arose that posed a major threat to Indian security and unity. One, the Kashmir problem, continues to this day.

Junagadh

Junagadh was a state on the southwestern end of the state of Gujarat, with the principalties of Manavadar, Mangrol and Babriawad under its sway. The Arabian Sea stood between it and Pakistan, and over 80% of its population was Hindu. Under the influence of Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, a Muslim League politician who was appointed his Dewan, or chief minister, the Nawab of Junagadh Mahabhat Khan acceeded to Pakistan. Bhutto had won control of the Nawab's court when the latter was touring Europe in May 1947. The accession was announced on August 15th, 1947, when Pakistan had come into being.

When the Pakistani Foreign Ministry confirmed the acceptance of the accession in September, the Government of India was outraged. Patel was especially angered that Muhammad Ali Jinnah would try to get Junagadh despite his argument that Hindus and Muslims could not live as one nation in the first place. He was also aware that if Junagadh was permitted to go to Pakistan, it would create communal unrest across the rest of Gujarat. Patel gave Pakistan time to void the accession and hold a plebiscite in Junagadh. Samaldas Gandhi formed a democratic government-in-exile, the Arzi Hukumat (in Urdu:Arzi: Will of People, Hukumat: Government) of the people of Junagadh. To further drive home his point, Patel ordered the annexation of Junagadh's three principalties.

Junagadh, facing grave financial collapse and no possibility of resisting an Indian armed invasion, first invited Samaldas Gandhi's Arzi Hukumat, and later the Government of India to accept the reins. A plebiscite was conducted in December, in which approximately 99% of the people chose India over Pakistan. Both Nawab Mahabat Khan and Shah Nawaz Bhutto left for Karachi, the then-capital of Pakistan. To this day Pakistan maintains a claim on Junagadh, which is published in the official map by the Geological Survey of Pakistan as a part of the nation.

Kashmir

Maharaja Hari Singh was equally hesitant to join either India - he felt his mostly Muslim subjects would not like joining a Hindu-majority nation - or Pakistan - which as a Hindu he was personally averse to. Pakistan's leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah coveted the Himalayan kingdom, while Indian leaders Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru hoped that the kingdom would join India. Hari Singh is even believed to have contemplated independence for his state, and did not make his decision by August 15th.

A tribal invasion from Pakistan began in September 1947 and changed the situation completely. India offered its help, conditional however, to the Maharaja acceding, which he did [3]. By this time the raiders were close to the capital of Srinagar. Indian troops were sent into Jammu, and a special task force was flown into the capital. Securing the city, Indian forces proceeded to engage the raiders at Baramulla and Poonch. Indian forces succeeded in inflicting heavy casualties and pushing the raiders back, but failed to relieve all of Kashmiri territory before the onset of winter, which made much of the state impassable and fighting unteneble. Fighting continued till 1948-1949, when Prime Minister Nehru declared a ceasefire and sought U.N. arbitration with the promise of a plebiscite. Sardar Patel had argued against both, describing Kashmir as a bilateral dispute and its accession as justified by international law. Patel had feared that the U.N.'s involvement would stall the process and allow Pakistan to re-inforce its presence in Kashmir. In 1957, Indian Kashmir was fully integrated into the Indian Union. The northwestern portion of Kashmir that remained under control of the Pakistan army is today Pakistan administered Kashmir. In 1962, China occupied Aksai Chin, the northeastern portion bordering the Ladakh region.

Hyderabad

Hyderabad was a state that stretched over 82,000 square miles in the center of India and with a population of 16 million, 85% of whom were Hindus. Its ruler was Nizam Usman Ali Khan, and had always enjoyed an influential relationship as the largest and loyal ally of the British Raj. Under the influence of Muslim radical Qasim Razvi, the Nizam sought dominion status in the British Commonwealth. When the British ruled out this possibility, the Nizam set his mind upon independence, and refused to sign the instrument of accession. To Patel, Hyderabad was more important than Kashmir. Without Hyderabad, there would be a big gap in the center of India, and Patel knew that Hyderabad was looking to Pakistan for political and military support. While Patel made it clear that Hyderabad was essential, he agreed with Lord Mountbatten that force should not be used immediately. A Standstill Agreement was signed, maintaining a status quo - a concession made to no other princely state without an explicit assurance of eventual accession. But Patel allowed Hyderabad to only guarantee that it would not join Pakistan.

Mountbatten and K.M. Munshi, India's agent in Hyderabad, attempted to engage the Nizam's envoys Laik Ali and Sir Walter Monckton into negotiations on an agreement. But Hyderabad continually reneged on possible deals meted out by Mountbatten. Hyderabad also protested that India had created an armed barricade to isolate it. Hyderabad also attempted to obtain the arbitration of the United Nations and the President of the United States, unsuccessfully. India charged that Hyderabad was receiving arms from Pakistan, and that the Nizam was allowing Razvi's militant Razakars to intimidate Hindus and attack villages in India.

Mountbatten crafted the Heads of Agreement deal and attempted in to obtain Patel's signature. The agreement called for the disbandment of the Razakars and restrict the Hyderabad army, and for the Nizam to hold a plebiscite and elections for a constituent assembly. While India would control Hyderabad's foreign affairs, the deal allowed Hyderabad to set up a parallel government that could have enabled it to obtain the same level of a dominion, and delay accession for a longer duration. Patel signed the deal, only knowing that the Nizam would renege on the plan despite it favoring Hyderabad. The Nizam reneged and Mountbatten's plan fell flat. The Nizam's rejection appeared to be caused by fierce lobbying on the part of Qasim Razvi, who felt that the prevention of a permanent framework for resolution would aid Hyderabad's designs for independence, as it would not have to concede powers or any ground to India's arguments.

In September 1948, Patel made it clear in Cabinet meetings that India would take no more. He obtained the principal agreement of the new Governor-General Chakravarti Rajagopalachari and Prime Minister Nehru after some contentious debate, and under Operation Polo, sent the Indian Army to liberate Hyderabad. Between September 13th and 18th, Indian troops fought Hyderabadi troops and Razakar militants and defeated them. Patel however retained the Nizam as the head of state, while Maj. General J.N. Chaudhari became the military governor. It is suggested that the main aim of Mountbatten and Nehru in avoiding a forced annexation was to prevent an outbreak of Hindu-Muslim violence. Patel insisted that if Hyderabad was allowed to continue with its antics, the prestige of the Government would fall and neither Hindus nor Muslims would feel secure in its realm. The successful integration of Hyderabad was in fact praised by many Indian Muslim leaders, and Patel became a national hero. There were no episodes of inter-community violence or tensions.

Conflicting Agendas

There are several works and different theories put forward by historians attempting to explain the root reasons and designs of India and Pakistan in the conflict over three princely states: Junagadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir. In his book Patel: A Life, Rajmohan Gandhi argues that Muhammad Ali Jinnah wanted to win the Himalayan kingdom of Kashmir, which was a Muslim-majority state with a Hindu ruler. Gandhi asserts that Jinnah attempted to annex Junagadh and encourage Hyderabad's independence only to divert the Government of India's resources and political strategy from trying to get Kashmir for India. Jinnah was certain that India would do everything to coax the Hindu king to join, and thus sought to engage the questions of Junagadh and Hyderabad in the same battle. It is postulated in Gandhi's book, that an unofficial and ideal deal working in the minds of Jinnah and Sardar Patel was that if Jinnah let India have Junagadh and Hyderabad, Patel would let Pakistan have Kashmir (In wake of the partition of India, Patel sensed that Kashmir's Muslim-majority would most likely sympathize with Pakistan). Jinnah is also thought to have wanted Patel to ask for a plebiscite in Junagadh and Hyderabad, knowing thus that the principle then would inevitably be applied to Kashmir, where the Muslim-majority would, he believed, vote for Pakistan. However, when Jinnah remained adamant about Junagadh and Hyderabad, and when the tribal invasion of Kashmir began in September 1947, Patel exerted himself over the defense of Kashmir and its eventual integration into India.

Integrating the Union

Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon continued the work to consolidate the Union. The monarchs were encouraged to create Prajamandals (People's Conventions) where elected representatives of the state's people would manage the affairs of the state. Many of the 565 states that had joined the Indian Union were extremely small and lacked resources to sustain their economies and support their growing populations. Many published their own currency, imposed trade restrictions and their own tax rules that impeded free trade. Despite having recognized all the states and their monarchs in the accession treaties, the Government was now prepared to re-organize their territories. In December 1947, over 40 states in central[4] and eastern India were merged into the Central Provinces (now Madhya Pradesh) and Orissa. This process involved a contentious debate over the morality of dissolving the very states India promised to officially recognize just months ago. But Patel and Menon emphasized that without integration, the economy of the states would collapse, and political anarchy would arise if the princes were unable to provide democracy and govern properly. Similarly, Patel also obtained the unification of over 200 states in the Kathiawar Peninsula of his native Gujarat as the United States of Saurashtra. In eastern Punjab[5], the Patiala and East Punjab States Union (PEPSU) was formed, and the states of Madhya Bharat and Vindhya Pradesh emerged from the princely states of the former Central India Agency. The state of Himachal Pradesh was created from 30 states of the former Punjab Hill States Agency. A few large states, including Mysore, Kutch, and Bilaspur, remained separate administrative units after accession, and a great many more were merged into the former British provinces. The Northeast Frontier Agency (present-day Arunachal Pradesh) was administrated by the Ministry of External Affairs with the Governor of Assam acting as agent to the President of India.

The mergers into larger provinces created a common judiciary, banking system, internal security apparatus and a single monetary and economic system for hundreds of kingdoms. The Constitution and associated legislation from the Union government and the provinces created one set of laws and principles, and a united approach and effort to fighting the social, economic and political problems of parts of India that had never been together with each other for thousands of years.

Constitution and States Reorganization

Main Articles: Constitution of India, States Reorganization Act

The Constitution of India, adopted on January 26, 1950 declared India a sovereign, democratic republic, and a Union of states and territories. The states would have extensive autonomy and democracy in the Union, while the Union territories would be administered by the Government of India. It established three types of states: Ten Part A states, which were the former governors' provinces of British India, were ruled by an elected governor and state legislature. The eight Part B states were former princely states or groups of princely states, governed by a rajpramukh, who was often a former prince. The ten Part C states included both the former chief commissioners' provinces and princely states, and were governed by a chief commissioner. Jammu and Kashmir had special status until 1957. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands was established as a union territory, ruled by a lieutenant governor appointed by the Indian government.

However, India's ethnically diverse population was dissatisfied with colonial-era political arrangements, which disempowered ethnic groups that did not form a significant portion of the population of the province. The many regional languages of India were without official use and recognition. Political movements arose in states like Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh demanding recognition and autonomy. There were also outbreaks of violence in Indian cities like Bombay and Madras in the 1950s and 1960s as the demands grew momentum and became a potential source of conflict. Akin to Mahatma Gandhi, Potti Sreeramulu undertook a fast-unto-death, demanding a Andhra state. Sreeramulu lost his life in the protest, but Andhra Pradesh was soon created in 1953, as a result of his fatal sacrifice, which aroused considerable popular support.

In December 1953, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru took the lead and appointed the States Reorganisation Commission to prepare for the creation of states on linguistic lines. The States Reorganisation Act of 1956, which went into effect on November 1, eliminated the distinction between part A, B, and C states. It also reorganized the state boundaries and created or dissolved states and union territories. Andhra was renamed Andhra Pradesh, and enlarged by the addition of the Telengana region of erstwhile Hyderabad State. Bombay State: The state was enlarged by the addition of Saurashtra and Kutch, and the Marathi-speaking districts of Nagpur Division. The southernmost districts of Bombay were transferred to Mysore State. The Patiala and East Punjab States Union (PEPSU) was merged into Punjab. The Madras state was reduced to its present boundaries by the transfer of Malabar to the new state of Kerala - formed by the merger of Travancore and Cochin. Madras was renamed Tamil Nadu in 1968. Rajputana was renamed Rajasthan, and enlarged by the addition of Ajmer-Merwara state. Madhya Bharat, Vindhya Pradesh, and Bhopal were merged into Madhya Pradesh, and the Marathi-speaking districts of Nagpur Division were transferred to Bombay state. On May 1, 1960, Bombay state was split into Maharashtra (the Marathi-speaking portion) and Gujarat (the Gujarati-speaking portion).

Pondicherry and Goa

See Also: French India, Portuguese India

In the 1950s, the regions of Pondicherry, Karikal, Yanaon, Mahe and Chandernagore were still colonies of France, and Daman and Diu, Dadra and Nagar Haveli and Goa remained as colonies of Portugal. The lodges in Machilipatnam, Kozhikode and Surat were ceded to India in October 1947. An agreement between France and India in 1948 agreed to an election in France's remaining Indian possessions to choose their political future. Chandernagore was ceded to India on May 2, 1950, and was merged with West Bengal on October 2, 1955. On November 1, 1954, the four enclaves of Pondicherry, Yanaon, Mahe, and Karikal were de facto transfered to the Indian Union and became the Union territory of Pondicherry. The de jure union of French India with the Indian Union did not take place until 1963, when the French Parliament in Paris ratified the treaty with India. Portugal had resisted diplomatic solutions, and refused to transfer power. Dadra and Nagar Haveli were incorporated into India in 1953 after bands of irregulars occupied the lands, but Goa, Daman and Diu remained a bone of contention. Arbitration by the World Court and the United Nations General Assembly favored self-determination. In 1961, in what Prime Minister Nehru termed as a police action, the Indian Army liberated Goa, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, and Daman and Diu.

Punjab and Northeastern India

The Punjab Reorganization Act of 1966 split divided the Punjab into the states of Sikh-majority Punjab and Hindu-majority Haryana, with their joint capital, Chandigarh, becoming a union territory. Certain northern districts were allocated to Himachal Pradesh. Jawaharlal Nehru had opposed this trifurcation, as it resembled the partition of India by creating separate states for two different religious communities, but it was carried out upon the initiative of his daughter and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who faced pressure from Sikh leaders like Master Tara Singh in the aftermath of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965.

Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Arunachal Pradesh were all carved out of Assam; they are known with Tripura, Manipur, and Assam as the Seven Sister States. Nagaland was made a state in 1962. It enjoys a special status within the Constitution, which permits it considerable autonomy and the right to make laws protecting Christianity, while India is secular. Meghalaya and Himachal Pradesh became states in 1971, and Tripura and Manipur in 1972. Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram were made union territories in 1972. In 1975, India under Indira Gandhi integrated Sikkim into the Union after a plebiscite resulted in an overwhelming vote in favor of merger with India. The events were controversial however, as the Indian Army had to forcibly take control of Sikkim's government from its ruler, the Chogyal. Mizoram was made a state in 1986, and Arunachal Pradesh in 1987. However, northeastern India has been the venue of instense and violent militancy [6].

China does not recognize the McMahon Line that is the framework of its boundary with India, and lays a claim to the territories of Arunachal Pradesh and Aksai Chin - parts of modern Arunachal Pradesh and Assam were occupied by Chinese forces in the Sino-Indian War. Chinese forces withdrew from Arunachal Pradesh and Assam, but retained Aksai Chin, which is the source of the dispute today. In 1967, Chinese and Indian forces clashed at the Chola Incident in Sikkim, whose unification with India it presently disputes.

Into the 21st century

File:India-states-map-blank.png

Current political map of India showing states and territories.

In the 1990s, a national debate arose about the need to create states out of large states that were considered un-governable or burdened with too many economic and social challenges, with disaffected ethnic minorities not getting sufficient representation, attention or resources to address their unique challenges. Overpopulation stifled out the interests of many diverse communities, while making the resources of the governments inadequate to address every community's needs. In 2000, the state of Chhattisgarh was created out of Madhya Pradesh, largely to provide economic and political space and resources for ethnic tribal communities. in the same year, the state of Uttaranchal was created from the northeastern edge of Uttar Pradesh, India's most populated state that faced chronic problems of unemployment, poverty and political confusion. Also, the state of Jharkhand was formed from the southern districts of the state of Bihar, one of the poorest and most backward states in India. There is an on-going debate about the possible creation of a separate state of Vidarbha from Maharashtra, Telangana from Andhra Pradesh, and Bundelkhand from parts of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. There have also been demands for Jammu [7] and Ladakh, the Hindu and Buddhist majority regions of Kashmir to be given statehood. Ladakh enjoys the status of a special territory within the Himalayan state. Uttar Pradesh set up a regional commission for the Purvanchal region to address regional grievances about uneven development and other issues, and similar commissions were proposed by Andhra Pradesh for Rayalaseema, Telangana, and Coastal Andhra. The political and militant groups claiming to represent the Bodo peoples of India's northeastern states have been agitating, politically and through violent insurgency for a separate and distinct state of Bodoland [8], in some cases independent of India. In 2001, a political agreement signed by the Union government, the state of Assam and chief Bodo political parties ceated the Bodoland Territorial Councils, giving special autonomy to regions with Bodo communities.

References

Rajmohan Gandhi, Patel: A Life (1990, Navajivan, Ahmedabad; ASIN: B0006EYQ0A)
V.P. Menon, Integration of Indian States (Orient Longman, 1998; ASIN: B0007ILF54)
V.P. Menon, Transfer of Power in India (Re-published: Sangam Books Ltd., 1999; ISBN: 8125015965)
Vidya Shankar, Reminiscences
Narahar Vishnu Gadgil, Government from Inside
K. M. Munshi, Pilgrimage
Pyarelal Nayar, Mahatma Gandhi: the Last Phase (Navajivan, 1958; ASIN: B0007JRD6I)
H. V. Hodson, The Great Divide (Oxford University Press, 2005; ISBN: 0195773403)
Alan Campbell - Johnson, Mission with Mountbatten (Penguin Books Ltd., 1985;ISBN: 0241115361)

External Links

Document Resources

Maps of Colonial India, Princely States and Re-organized Regions

Template:India

Template:IndiaFreedom