Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
| Office: | President of Bangladesh (13 January, 1972–25 January, 1975; 25 January, 1975– 15 August, 1975) and Prime Minister of Bangladesh (13 January, 1972–25 January, 1975) |
| Succeeded by: | Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed |
| Date of birth: | March 17, 1920 |
| Place of birth: | Tungipara, Gopalganj District, Bengal |
| Date of Death: | August 15 1975 |
| Place of Death: | Dhaka |
| Political party: | Awami League, BAKSAL |
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Bangla: শেখ মুজিবর রহমান) (March 17, 1920 – August 15, 1975) was a Bengali political leader in East Pakistan and the founding leader of Bangladesh. Heading the Awami League, Rahman served as the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and later as President. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib, and with the honorary title of Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal). His eldest daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajed is the present leader of the Awami League and a former prime minister of Bangladesh.
As a student political leader, Rahman rose in Pakistani politics under the mentorship of Bengali Muslim politician Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. An advocate of socialism, Rahman became popular for his leadership against the ethnic and institutional discrimination of Bengalis. He demanded increased provincial autonomy, and became a fierce opponent of the military rule of Ayub Khan. At the heightening of sectional tensions, Rahman outlined a 6-point autonomy plan which was seen as separatism in West Pakistan. He was tried in 1968 for allegedly conspiring with the Indian government, but not convicted. Despite leading his party to a major victory in the 1970 elections, Rahman was not invited to form the government.
After talks broke down with President Yahya Khan and West Pakistani politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Rahman was arrested and a guerrilla war erupted between government forces and Bengali nationalists. Indian intervention in 1971 would lead to the establishment of Bangladesh, and after his release Rahman would assume office as provisional president, and later prime minister. Even as a constitution was adopted, proclaiming socialism and a secular democracy, Rahman struggled to address the challenges of intense poverty and unemployment. Amidst rising political turmoil, Rahman banned other political parties and declared himself "president for life" in 1975. Increasingly unpopular, Rahman was assassinated with his family by a group of army officers.
Early life
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in Tungipara, a village in Gopalganj District in the province of Bengal,[1] to Sheikh Lutfar Rahman, a serestadar, or an officer responsible for record-keeping at the Gopalganj civil court. He was the third child in a family of four daughters and two sons. Rahman was educated at the Gopalganj Public School and later transferred to the Gopalganj Missionary School, from where he completed his matriculation. However, Rahman was withdrawn from school in 1934 to undergo eye surgery, and would return to school only after fours years, owing to the severity of the surgery and slow recovery. At age eighteen, Mujib married Begum Fazilatnnesa, who would subsequently give birth to two daughters - Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana - and three sons - Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Russel.[2]
Rahman's political activities began when he joined the All India Muslim Students Federation in 1940. He enrolled at the Islamia College in Kolkata (then Calcutta) to study law and entered student politics there. Later, he joined the Bengal Muslim League in 1943, and grew close to the faction led by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, a leading Bengali Muslim leader. During this period, Rahman worked actively for the League's cause of a separate Muslim state of Pakistan, and in 1946 he was elected general secretary of the Islamia College Students Union. Obtaining his degree in 1947, Rahman was one of the Muslim politicians working under Suhrawardy during the communal violence that broke out in Kolkata with the partition of India.[2]
On his return to East Bengal, he enrolled in the University of Dhaka to study law, and became one of the founders of the East Pakistan Muslim Students' League, which became one of the most prominent student political leaders in the city and the province. During these years, Rahman developed an affinity for socialism as the ideal solution to mass poverty, unemployment and poor living conditions. On January 26, 1949 the government announced that Urdu would officially be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in jail, Rahman encouraged fellow activist groups to launch strikes and protests, and undertook a hunger strike for 13 days. Following the declaration of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the province chief minister Khwaja Nazimuddin in 1948 that the people of East Pakistan, mainly Bengalis, would have to adopt Urdu as the state language, agitation broke out amongst the population. Rahman led the Muslim Students League in organising strikes and protests, and was arrested along with his colleagues by police on March 11.[2] The outcry of students and political activists led to the immediate release of Rahman and the others. Rahman was expelled from the university and arrested again in 1949 for attempting to incite the menial and clerical staff in an agitation over workers' rights.[1]
Early political career
Rahman launched his political career, leaving the Muslim League to join Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashani in the formation of the Awami Muslim League, the predecessor of the Awami League. He was elected joint secretary of its East Pakistan unit in 1949. While Suhrawardy worked to build a larger coalition of East Pakistani and socialist parties, Rahman focussed on expanding the grass-roots organization. In 1951, Rahman began organising protests and rallies in response to the killing, by the police, of students who were protesting against the declaration of Urdu as the sole national language. This period of turmoil, later came to be known as the Language movement, for which he was briefly arrested. In 1953, he was made the party's general secretary, and elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly on a United Front coalition ticket in 1954. Serving briefly as the minister for agriculture, Rahman was briefly arrested for organizing protest of the central government's decision to dismiss the United Front ministry. He was elected to the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan and served from 1955 to 1958.[1] Making a speech in the assembly on the proposed plan to dissolve the provinces in favour of an amalgamated West Pakistan and East Pakistan with a powerful central government, Rahman demanded that the Bengali people's ethnic identity be respected, and that a popular verdict should decide the question:[2]
"Sir [President of the Constituent Assembly], you will see that they want to place the word "East Pakistan" instead of "East Bengal." We had demanded so many times that you should use Bengal instead of Pakistan. The word "Bengal" has a history, has a tradition of its own. You can change it only after the people have been consulted. So far as the question of one unit is concerned it can come in the constitution. Why do you want it to be taken up just now? What about the state language, Bengali? We will be prepared to consider one-unit with all these things. So I appeal to my friends on that side to allow the people to give their verdict in any way, in the form of referendum or in the form of plebiscite."
In 1956, Rahman entered a second coalition government as minister of industries, commerce, labour, anti-corruption and village aid, but resigned in 1957 to work full-time for the party organization. When General Ayub Khan suspended the constitution and imposed martial law in 1958, Rahman was arrested for organising resistance and imprisoned till 1961.[1] Following his release, Rahman started organizing an underground political body called the Swadhin Bangal Biplobi Parishad (Free Bangla Revolutionary Council), comprising student leaders in order to oppose the regime of Ayub Khan and to work for increased political power for Bengalis and even the independence of East Pakistan. He was briefly arrested again in 1962 for organising protests.[2]
Leader of East Pakistan
Upon his release and following Suhrawardy's death in 1963, Rahman came to head the Awami League, now the largest of Bengali political parties in East Pakistan. The party had dropped the word "Muslim" from its name in a shift towards secularism and a broader appeal to non-Muslim communities. Rahman was one of the key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan's Basic Democracies plan, the imposition of martial law and the one-unit scheme which centralized power and merged the provinces.[3] He often worked with political parties from Baluchistan, North West Frontier Province and Sind to direct opposition to Ayub Khan, and supported presidential candidate Fatima Jinnah during the 1964 election. He was arrested two weeks before the election in a move to thwart him from mobilising voters. Charged with sedition, Rahman was sentenced to a one-year jail term and released in 1965.[2] In these years, there was rising discontent in East Pakistan over perceived state discrimination against Bengalis and the official neglect of the issues and needs of East Pakistan.[4] Despite forming a majority of the population, Bengalis were poorly represented in Pakistan's civil services, police and military. The bulk of revenues from East Pakistan's exports of jute and tea went to activities based in West Pakistan, while the government in the east was under-funded.
Political unrest over continuing denial of political freedom spread across Pakistan, and Rahman intensified his opposition to the disbandment of provinces. In 1966, at a national conference of opposition political parties in Lahore, Rahman drafted and proclaimed a 6-point plan titled Our Charter of Survival,[1] in which he demanded self-government and considerable political, economic and defence autonomy for East Pakistan in a Pakistani federation with a weak central government.[3] According to his plan:
- The constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary form of government with supremacy of a legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
- The federal government should deal with only two subjects: defence and foreign affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be vested in the federating states.
- Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate banking reserve should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted for East Pakistan.
- The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
- There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
- East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary forces.
Rahman's points catalyzed public support across East Pakistan, launching what some historians have termed the 6 point movement – recognized as the definitive gambit for autonomy and rights of Bengalis in Pakistan. Rahman obtained the broad support of Bengalis, including the Hindu and other religious communities in East Pakistan. However, his demands were considered radical in West Pakistan, and interpreted as thinly-veiled separatism. The proposals alienated West Pakistani people and politicians, as well as non-Bengalis and Muslim fundamentalists in East Pakistan.
Rahman was arrested by the army soon after, and after two years in jail an official sedition trial in a military court opened. Widely known as the Agartala conspiracy case, Rahman and 34 Bengali military officers were accused by the government of colluding with Indian government agents in a scheme to divide Pakistan and threaten its unity, order and national security. The plot was alleged to have been planned in the city of Agartala, in the Indian state of Tripura.[1] The outcry and unrest over Rahman's arrest and the charge of sedition against him destabilized East Pakistan, amidst large protests and strikes. Various Bengali political and student groups added demands to address the issues of students, workers and the poor, forming a larger "11-point plan." The government caved to the mounting pressure, and unconditionally released Rahman, dropping the charges. Rahman returned to East Pakistan a public hero.
Joining an all-parties conference convened by Ayub Khan in 1969, Rahman demanded the acceptance of his six points and the demands of other political parties, and walked out following its rejection. On December 5, 1969 Rahman declared at a public meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called "Bangladesh":
"There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word "Bangla" from this land and its map. The existence of the word "Bangla" was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I on behalf of Pakistan announce today that this land will be called "Bangladesh" instead of East Pakistan."
Rahman's declaration heightened tensions and resentment in West Pakistan, especially amongst politicians and the military, who began to see him as an openly separatist leader. Rahman's assertion of Bengali cultural and ethnic identity also re-defined the political debate over regional and socio-economic autonomy. Many scholars and observers believed it was also a rejection of the Two-Nation Theory – the case upon which Pakistan had been created. A charismatic orator, Rahman was able to galvanize public opinion throughout East Pakistan, which was home to a majority of the national population, thus making him one of the most powerful political figures in Pakistan. It was following his 6-point plan that Rahman was referred to as "Bangabandhu" (Friend of Bengal), and the title was increasingly and popularly used following this speech in 1969, when he emerged as a unifying leader of Bengalis in Pakistan.
1970 elections and independence
A major coastal cyclone struck East Pakistan in 1970, leaving hundreds of thousands of people dead and millions displaced. The subsequent period exposed extreme outrage and unrest over the perceived weak and ineffective response of the central government. Public opinion and political parties in East Pakistan blamed the governing authorities as intentionally negligient, while West Pakistani politicians attacked the Awami League for allegedly using the crisis for political gain. The dissatisfaction lead to divisions within the civil services, police and military of Pakistan. In the elections held in December, 1970 the Awami League under Rahman's leadership won a massive majority in the provincial legislature, and all but 2 of East Pakistan's quota of seats in the new National Assembly, thus forming a clear majority.[1]
The election result revealed a polarization between the two wings of Pakistan, with the largest and most successful party in the West being the Pakistan People's Party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was completely opposed to Rahman's demand for greater autonomy. Bhutto threatened to boycott the assembly and oppose the government if Rahman was invited by Yahya Khan (the then president of Pakistan) to form the next government, demanding his party's inclusion. There was also widespread opposition in the Pakistani military, as well as Islamic political parties to Rahman becoming Pakistan's prime minister. And even though neither Rahman nor the League explicitly advocated political independence for East Pakistan, smaller nationalist groups were demanding independence for Bangladesh.
Following political deadlock, Yahya Khan delayed the convening of the assembly - a move seen by Bengalis as a plan to deny Rahman's party, which formed a majority, from taking charge. Speaking at a massive gathering of people on March 7, 1971 at the Race Course Ground in Dhaka, Rahman called for independence and asked the people to launch a major campaign of civil disobedience and organized armed resistance:[2]
"The struggle now is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle now is the struggle for our independence. Joy Bangla!..Since we have given blood, we will give more blood. God-willing, the people of this country will be liberated...Turn every house into a fort. Face (the enemy) with whatever you have."
Following a last ditch attempt to foster agreement, Yahya Khan declared martial law, banned the Awami League and ordered the army to arrest Rahman and other Bengali leaders and activists. The army launched Operation Searchlight to curb the political and civil unrest, fighting the nationalist militias that were believed to have received training in India. Speaking on radio even as the army began its crackdown, Rahman declared Bangladesh's independence at midnight on March 26, 1971:[2]
"This may be my last message; from today Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours."
Arrested and moved to West Pakistan, Rahman was kept under heavy guard in a jail near Faisalabad (then Lyallpur), while many other League politicians fled to India and other countries. Pakistani general Rahimuddin Khan was appointed to preside over Mujib's criminal court case. The actual sentence and court proceedings have never been made public.[1]
The Pakistani army's campaign to restore order soon degenerated into a rampage of terror and bloodshed.[5] With radical Muslim militias known as Razakars, the army targeted Bengali intellectuals, politicians and union leaders, as well as ordinary civilians. It targeted Bengali and non-Bengali Hindus across the region, and throughout 1971, large numbers of Hindus fled across the border to the neighbouring Indian states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. East Bengali army and police regiments soon mutinied, and League leaders formed a government-in-exile in Kolkata under Tajuddin Ahmed, a politician close to Rahman. A Bengali officer named Ziaur Rahman broadcast a radio message declaring the independence of the "People's Republic of Bangladesh," and a major insurgency led by the Mukti Bahini (Army of Freedom) arose across East Pakistan. While most of Rahman's family was kept under house arrest, his son Sheikh Kamal was a key officer in the Mukti Bahini, in a struggle between the state forces and the nationalist militia which would come to be known as the Bangladesh Liberation War. Following Indian intervention in December 1971, the East Pakistani army surrendered and the League leadership created a government in Dhaka. Released on January 8, 1972 by Pakistani authorities following the official ending of hostilities, Rahman flew to New Delhi via London, where after meeting Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, he returned to Bangladesh on January 10, 1972. With Gandhi, he addressd a crowd of hundreds of thousands of people gathered at the Race Course Stadium, which is now the Suhrawardy Udyan.[2]
Governing Bangladesh
Mujibur Rahman briefly assumed the provisional presidency, and later took office as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and decision-making. In doing so, he dismissed Tajuddin Ahmed following a controversial in-party power struggle that had occurred during Rahman's incarceration. The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new state, and the Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army, to which Indian forces transferred control on March 17.[2] Rahman described the fallout of the war as the "biggest human disaster in the world," claiming the deaths of as many as 3 million people and the rape of more than 200,000 women; these figures are disputed by other sources.[6] His government faced with serious challenges, including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, and organizing the supply of food, medicine and other necessities across the nation. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economy had been devastated by the conflict. There was also violence against non-Bengalis and groups who were believed to have assisted the Pakistani forces. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.
Winning recognition from major countries, Rahman helped enter Bangladesh into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement and traveled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation.[2] Rahman signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance, and began training Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel. Rahman forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi, strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India. The two governments remained in close cooperation during Rahman's lifetime.
Charging the provisional parliament with writing a new constitution, Rahman and his supporters made Bangladesh a democratic republic, committed to socialism and secularism. Rahman nationalized hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital, and initiated land reform across Bangladesh, aimed at helping millions of poor farmers.[7] Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees; the economy began recovering and a famine was prevented.[8] A new constitution was proclaimed in 1973, and elections were held, returning Rahman and his party to power with an absolute majority.[1] Rahman further outlined state programmes for primary education, sanitation and healthcare, as well as to supply water, electricity and food across the country. A five year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.[9] The army was made responsible for many reconstruction projects. Although committing the new state to secularism, Rahman banned the consumption of alcohol, gambling and horse-racing in an attempt to pacify Muslim conservatives.[2]
BAKSAL
Rahman's government soon began encountering increased dissatisfaction and unrest. His program of nationalization and industrial socialism suffered from lack of trained personnel, inefficiency, rampant corruption and poor leadership.[7] Rahman focused almost entirely on national issues and thus neglected local issues and government. The party and central government exercised full control and democracy was weakened, with virtually no elections organised at the grassroots or local levels.[10] Political opposition included communists, who demanded collectivization and expansion of government control, as well as Islamic fundamentalists, who were angered by the declaration of a secular state. A famine in 1974 further intensified the food crisis, and devastated agriculture – the mainstay of the economy.[1] Intense criticism of Rahman arose over lack of political leadership, a flawed pricing policy, as well as rising inflation amidst heavy losses suffered by the nationalized industries. Rahman's ambitious social programmes performed poorly, owing to scarcity of resources, funds and personnel and caused unrest amongst the masses.[7]
Political unrest gave rise to increasing violence, and in response, Rahman began increasing his powers, and used government forces to arrest opposition members. On January 25, 1975 Mujibur Rahman declared a state of emergency and his political supporters approved a constitutional amendment banning all opposition political parties. Rahman was declared "president for life," and given extraordinary power.[11] His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalized political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, commonly known by its initials – BAKSAL.[1] Identifying itself with the rural masses, farmers and labourers, the party took control of the government machinery and launched major state socialist programs. Using government forces and a militia of supporters, opposition activists were arrested and strict control was imposed across the country.[11] The militia and police were accused of torturing suspects and political killings. While retaining support from many segments of the population, Rahman evoked anger for what was seen as a betrayal of the causes of democracy and civil rights, which had been the defining element of the nationalists. Unable to effectively address national challenges, underground opposition to Rahman intensified, as did considerable dissatisfaction within the Bangladeshi army.
Assassination
On August 15, 1975 a group of junior army officers invaded the presidential residence with armoured tanks, and killed Rahman, his family and the personal staff.[1] Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Sheikh Rehana, on a visit to East Germany, were left alive, but banned from returning to Bangladesh. The coup was believed to be planned by disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military officers, including Rahman's college and former confidante, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed, who became his immediate successor. There was intense speculation in the media, within the governments of India and the Soviet Union, and subsequently amongst historians that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency had instigated the plot.[12]
Rahman's death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil. The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of counter-coups and political assassinations paralyzed the country.[11] Order was restored when a coup in 1977 gave control to Ziaur Rahman, who had become a major general. Declaring himself president in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the Indemnity Ordinance, giving immunity from prosecution to the men who plotted Mujibur Rahman's killing and overthrow. Ziaur Rahman and Hossain Mohammad Ershad reversed the state's commitment to secularism and socialism, and most of Mujibur Rahman's signature policies.
In exile, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the Awami League. Returning to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981, she led popular opposition to the military regime of President Ershad. In the elections following the restoration of democracy in 1991, Sheikh Hasina became the leader of the opposition, and in 1996 she won the elections to become Bangladesh's prime minister. Revoking the Indemnity Ordinance, an official murder case was lodged and an investigation launched in October. One of the main coup leaders, Colonel Syed Faruque Rahman was arrested and executed along with 14 other army officers, while others fled abroad.[1][13] Sheikh Hasina lost power in the 2001 elections, but remained the oppposition leader and one of the most important politicians in Bangladesh.
Criticism and legacy
Rahman is criticized by some historians and scholars, especially in Pakistan, for allegedly maximizing the sectional gulf to consolidate his support, through a continual refusal to compromise over his 6-point plan and share power with Bhutto. Several historians regard Rahman as a rabble-rousing, charismatic leader who galvanized the nationalist struggle but proved inept in governing the country.[11] During his tenure as Bangladesh's leader, Muslim religious leaders and politicians intensely criticized Rahman's adoption of state secularism. He alienated some segments of nationalists and the military, who feared Bangladesh would come to depend upon India and become a satellite, by taking extensive aid from the Indian government and allying Bangladesh with India on many foreign and regional affairs.[8] Rahman's imposition of one-party rule and suppression of political opposition alienated large segments of the population, as the move was seen by veterans of the Mukti Bahini and some Awami League activists as a betrayal of the causes of civil rights and freedom upon which Bangladesh was founded.
Following his death, succeeding governments offered low-key commemorations of Rahman, and his public image was restored only with the election of an Awami League government led by his daughter Sheikh Hasina in 1996. Mujibur Rahman is officially recognized in Bangladesh as the "Father of the Nation" and is the namesake of many public and official institutions. August 15 is commemorated as "National Mourning Day," mainly by Awami League supporters.[2] He remains the paramount icon of the Awami League, which continues to profess Rahman's ideals of socialism. Rahman is widely admired by scholars and in Bengali communities in India and across the world for denouncing the military rule and ethnic discrimination that existed in Pakistan, and for leading the Bengali struggle for rights and liberty.[13]
See also
Notes
Definitions from Wiktionary
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Texts from Wikisource
Textbooks from Wikibooks
Resources from Wikiversity
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Rashid, Harun-or. "Rahman, (Bangabandhu) Sheikh Mujibur" (HTML). Banglapedia. Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. Retrieved 2006-07-06.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n "Political Profile of Bongobondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman" (HTML). Bangladesh Awami League. Retrieved 2006-07-06.
- ^ a b M. Rashiduzzaman, The Awami League In The Political Development of Pakistan (2006-07-07). "Awami League" (HTML). Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ G. W. Choudhury, Bangladesh: Why It Happened (2006-07-07). "Bengali nationalism" (HTML). Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ Blood, Archer, Transcript of Selective Genocide Telex, Department of State, United States
- ^ K. P. Misra, Trilateralism in South Asia (2006-07-07). "War fallout" (HTML). Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ a b c Shahzad Uddin, A Bangladeshi Soap Opera (2006-07-07). "Mujib's policies" (HTML). Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ a b Rounaq Jahan, Bangladesh in 1972: Nation Building in a New State (2006-07-07). "Governance" (HTML). Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help)CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ UNESCAP, Integration of Poverty Alleviation and Social Sector Development into the Planning Process in Bangladesh (2006-07-07). "Mujib's policies" (PDF). Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ Mohammad Habibur Rahman, Decentralization and Access: Theoretical Framework and Bangladesh Experience (2006-07-07). Decen and Access (Joint-Asian).pdf "Party democracy" (PDF). Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}: Check|url=value (help); Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ a b c d Talukder Maniruzzaman, Bangladesh in 1975: The fall of the Mujib regime and its aftermath (2006-07-07). "Mujib's fall" (HTML). Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help)CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ "Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman" (HTML). 2006-07-07. Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}:|first=missing|last=(help); Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ a b "Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman" (HTML). 2006-07-07. Retrieved 2006-07-07.
{{cite web}}:|first=missing|last=(help); Check date values in:|date=(help)
References
- Anthony Mascarenhas, Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood ISBN 0-340-39420-X
- Katherine Frank, Indira: the life of Indira Nehru Gandhi (2002) ISBN 039573097X
- Cyriac Maprayil, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (2001) ISBN 8-175-10121-0
- M. Ahmed, Era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (1983), University Press
External links
- (Bangabandhu) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman - The architect of Bangladesh
- Picture Gallery of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
- Bangladesh Liberation War. Mujibnagar. Government Documents 1971
- Mujib on Banglapedia
- Mujib on Reference/Encyclopedia
- Sheikh Mujibur Rahman - the father and the founder of Bangladesh